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東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies 10건

  1. [국내논문]   漢代 邊郡의 部都尉  

    權五重
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 1 - 32 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

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  2. [국내논문]   '孔門四科'에 대한 認識을 통해 본 士人의 自意識 - 魏晉南北朝~宋代를 중심으로  

    河元洙
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 33 - 75 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

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  3. [국내논문]   『高麗史』 元宗ㆍ忠烈王ㆍ忠宣王世家 중 元朝關係記事의 註釋硏究  

    李玠 , 奭
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 77 - 129 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

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  4. [국내논문]   海防 體制와 1870년대 李鴻章의 洋務運動  

    曺秉漢
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 131 - 168 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    The Yang-wu(洋務) movement for China"s self-strengthening(自强) through learning the Western methods, was consistently connected with the maritime defense(海防) system from beginning to end. In other words, the object of the self-strengthening enterprises, i.e., the governmental arsenals and shipyards, various civil companies under government supervise, including mines and industries or shipping-business, modern diplomacy, was restricted by the maritime defense system, and couldn"t go beyond it. The maritime defense meant China"s efforts to defend the traditional system of imperial rule and the sphere of external influence against the maritime Powers. As Yang-wu movement was more advanced in 1870s, the patriotic ideas to guard the rights of sovereign state increasingly grew, combined with the traditional Sino-centric ideology of great unified(大一統) empire. The second step of Yang-wu movement in 1870s, under Li Hong-zhang"s leadership, fulfilled considerable development, according to being acquainted with the unceasing renovation of Western engineering and the worldwide competition among the Western Powers. This development led Yang-wu officials into the ideological devision between Us Huai army(淮軍) faction and Zuo Zong-tang"s(左宗棠) Xiang army(湘君) faction, which resulted in the differentiation of direction guiding the defense strategy and Yang-wu reform. At the 1874 controversy between Zuo"s land defense and Li"s maritime defense, the officials of Li group were relatively more progressive than Zuo group, but also restricted by the passive defense strategy. Therefore, it"s natural that Li couldn"t persuade his opposers, i.e., relatively conservative Yang-wu officials and anti-foreign Qing-liu(淸流) faction. Having more shrewd and practical views about the irresistible force of competitive Western civilization, Li Hong-zhang opposed the optimistic outlook that China could overtake Western Powers in near future through the short-term self-strengthening enterprises. This perspective in 1870s that was shared by early Yang-wu offial"s, as Zeng Guo-fan(曾國藩) and Zuo himself in 1860s. Li"s pessimistic outlook about competitive world, like the warring ststes(戰國) in ancient Chinese history, was reflected in his foreign policies that China gave up her rivalry with the Western Powers and only concentrated her defensive efforts on Japan, the rising small country. Li introduced commercial capital into the Yang-wu enterprises, and understood the importance of building the diversified, and professionalized vessels, naval or mercantile. But he chose to purchase naval warships from the Great Britain or Germany than to attempt to make the warships for himself for China"s permanent independency. In 1874 controversy, Li Hong-zhang proposed the institutional reform(變法), not total but partial. He was willing to reform civil service examination(科擧) system to nourish Yang-wu talents and concentrate official administration beyond provincial division. Nevertheless, these suggestions of institutional reform were all included within the sphere of maritime defense. In Yang-wu period, China"s administration was separated into two different parts, traditional and Yang-wu. And this dual organization under maritime defense system was a great obstacle for successful reform, that could be fulfilled through the full reform of educational and official system. When the reformers take part in the offensive worldwide rivalry in the high seas together with western Powers, the formation of modern nation-state will become their imminent aim. Without the full institutional reform for this aim, Li continued to be defensive and lenient in front of foreign challenges. However, it"s impressable that the modern system of diplomacy appeared by Li group in 1870s as the result of competitive world view, even if it still remained incipient in the developm..

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  5. [국내논문]   淸末 鹽稅의 構成과 規模 - 長蘆鹽區의 경우  

    丘凡眞
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 169 - 218 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This paper is an attempt to understand the composition of the salt tax which the salt merchants of the Changlu District 長蘆鹽區 (most of Zhili 直隷 province plus northern part of Henan 河南 province) had to pay for their monopoly business, and to estimate its quantitative changes over time. At the beginning of Xianfeng 咸豐 reign, the salt tax in Changlu Ditrict (hereafter Changlu Tax), which included four categories of salt tax, or zhengke 正課, tangli 帑利, zakuan 雜款, and yanjinjiajia 鹽斤加價, was about 1.37 million taels in estimate. Changlu Tax did not show any significant change in its quantitative respect until Sino-Japanese War. In coping with the postwar financial pressure, Changlu Tax increased to 1.8 million taels. Entering the last decade of the Qing rule, or the Xinzheng 新政 period, when the modernization programs forced the government to look for more financial resources, Changlu Tax began to record an unprecedented increase rate to reach 5.57 million taels in 1911, mostly owing to the price increases of salt, or yanjinjiajia, which came to account for 76.6% of Changlu Tax. With the changes in prices taken into consideration, it can be said that Changlu Tax in real terms did not increase at all until 1900 owing to rising prices. In fact, it decreased in real terms by 35% from 1875 to 1900. However the Changlu Tax during the Xinzheng period outran prices and showed a very high increase rate, or 141%, in real terms, though not higher than that in nominal terms. The unprecedented increase rate that Changlu Tax recorded during the Xinzheng period, both in nominal and in real terms, urges us to pay more attention to the salt tax of this period when trying to find the historical origin of the public finance during the Republican period, which can be characterized by its very heavy dependence on the revenue from salt.

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  6. [국내논문]   19세기 중반 남부베트남의 地主像 - 딘 뜨엉(Dinh Tuong 定祥) 성 빈 까익(Binh Cach 平格) 촌의 쩐(Tran 陳) 씨 집안의 사례를 중심으로  

    崔秉旭
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 219 - 262 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article aims at constructing a realistic and concrete image of the southern Vietnamese landlord. By the various politicians and scholars, the image of southern landlords has been shaped by the political purposes and by the methodological theories rather than by the serious study based on the solid materials. The political purposes have been managed by the revolutionary and nationalist groups who have agreed, though unintentionally, on the point that the pre-colonial landlords should be labelled reactionary or backward. And the methodological theories have been applied by the scholars who tried to use the pre-colonial peasant society as the background of the nature of the peasant society during the colonial period. Well known main themes are "Moral Economy" and "Rational Peasants." To be used to prove either theme, both the pre-colonial peasants and landlords should be claimed as the beings of "moral" or "rational" without enough evidence. By the careful study on the recently found documents such as "The Will of Tran Van Phien Couple (1857)," "The Will of Tran Van Hoc Couple (1876)", and "The Land Trade Bills" of southern Vietnam, this article challenges to illuminate several points of the southern past of the landlords in the context of the historical change of the southern society before the French presence. In addition, this article has the goal to confirm the traditional peasant society of the 19th century was neither of moral economy nor of the rational peasants. Four issues are discussed in this article. First is the way of settlement. In contrast to other previous works on this kind of issue, author"s emphasis goes to the fact that a southern landlord"s origin was a poor peasant, and the 19th century southern landlords were aware of their roots as the immigrant peasants, thus their identity was more closer to the peasant class than to the privileged ruling class. Southern landlords were more interested in investing their surplus into land rather than into official career. This is an important aspect of southern landlords considering that the existence of the 19th century landlords in other regions, north and center, was related to the official status, power, and wealth. Various ways of land accumulation of southern landlord are discussed in the second chapter. Not only the legal ways such as trade, clearance, and inheritance, but also the hiding land, bribing officials, and purchasing the land by the small children"s names to get more land were used. What encouraged the landlords to accumulate land was the desire to increase the rice product. Landlords were strongly market oriented. Southern rice was connected to the international traders who were linking the southern landlords to the international markets. Next discussion is about the landlord-tenant relation. The reality in the relation of the landlords to their tenants informs us of the broader prospective on the nature of the peasant society of the southern Vietnam. The relation was "rational" rather than "moral" form the points of both sides, landlord and tenant. But it was not based on the tension or potential conflict as the vindicators of the rational peasants theme claim. It was rational due to a mutual demand. Landlords needed manpower, while the tenant needed a safe shelter. Exploitation from the landlords could not be attempted because the tenants were well prepared to leave to another place whenever they felt the condition was not good enough. From the point of the landlord, tenant was not the object of exploitation but the precious manpower to increase his rice product. Tenant, in turn, regarded landlord as the protector as long as the condition was acceptable. Consequence was the compromise between the former and the latter, and the co-existence of the both. Based on this..

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  7. [국내논문]   초기 베트남 공산주의운동의 국외 네트워크와 재외활동가, 1928-1934  

    盧英順
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 263 - 302 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article examines two rather different contexts for Vietnamese communist movement during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The one is evolved around international communist movement which has been charged by the Third Communist International(Comintern). The early communist movement in Southeast Asia is concerned, the Comintern entrusted its direction to the Nanyang Communist party which was a branch of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). But this strategy had to be modified as the communist movement in Southeast Asia was developing and the CCP-led communist movement in Southeast Asia turned out to be activities centered by the Chinese and for the Chinese. A remedy for this failure was to promote localization of Southeast Asian communist movement by helping to found a communist party on the national basis. The one who materialized this idea was a Vietnamese international communist, Nguyen Ai Quoc. As the secretary of the Southern Bureau, he presided over the foundations of communist parties in Southeast Asia including the Vietnam Communist Party(VCP), Siam Communist Party and Malayan Communist Party. At the time that the international communist network in the southern China were disclosed and immediately cracked down, communist movement in Southeast Asia was on the verge of distancing from the influence of CCP and more directly of connecting itself to Comintern. The Other theme of this article is about the Vietnamese communists who worked abroad and their activities there. For this the second part of this study was devoted to several "revolutionary spaces" of the Vietnamese communists ranging from coastal southern China such as Shanghai, inland border areas between China and Vietnam such as Quangxi as far as to northeast Siam through Laos. The Vietnamese revolutionaries in those areas took responsibility of maintaining and reestablishing liaison with Comintern occasionally through the CCP and assisting restoration of the VCP which had been destroyed in the aftermath of the Soviet movements in Nghe-Tinh. The former was carried out by the Vietnamese communists in southern China. The latter task was tried to be carried out by the Vietnamese communists in Siam. More importantly several Vietnamese communists abroad who also were educated in Moscow established an "Overseas Directing Committee" which was destined to be a provisional central committee of the VCP. In sum the international communist network was a major nutrition for fledging communist parties in South-east Asia including the VCP. Also the Vietnamese revolutionaries outside Vietnam served as a main asset for the VCP by connecting it to helpful international communist networks and by providing inside Vietnam necessary strategies, personnels, and materials in the most needed time and circumstances of the first half of the 1930s.

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  8. [국내논문]   國內 東洋史關係 論文要目(2003年)  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 303 - 334 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article examines two rather different contexts for Vietnamese communist movement during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The one is evolved around international communist movement which has been charged by the Third Communist International(Comintern). The early communist movement in Southeast Asia is concerned, the Comintern entrusted its direction to the Nanyang Communist party which was a branch of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). But this strategy had to be modified as the communist movement in Southeast Asia was developing and the CCP-led communist movement in Southeast Asia turned out to be activities centered by the Chinese and for the Chinese. A remedy for this failure was to promote localization of Southeast Asian communist movement by helping to found a communist party on the national basis. The one who materialized this idea was a Vietnamese international communist, Nguyen Ai Quoc. As the secretary of the Southern Bureau, he presided over the foundations of communist parties in Southeast Asia including the Vietnam Communist Party(VCP), Siam Communist Party and Malayan Communist Party. At the time that the international communist network in the southern China were disclosed and immediately cracked down, communist movement in Southeast Asia was on the verge of distancing from the influence of CCP and more directly of connecting itself to Comintern. The Other theme of this article is about the Vietnamese communists who worked abroad and their activities there. For this the second part of this study was devoted to several "revolutionary spaces" of the Vietnamese communists ranging from coastal southern China such as Shanghai, inland border areas between China and Vietnam such as Quangxi as far as to northeast Siam through Laos. The Vietnamese revolutionaries in those areas took responsibility of maintaining and reestablishing liaison with Comintern occasionally through the CCP and assisting restoration of the VCP which had been destroyed in the aftermath of the Soviet movements in Nghe-Tinh. The former was carried out by the Vietnamese communists in southern China. The latter task was tried to be carried out by the Vietnamese communists in Siam. More importantly several Vietnamese communists abroad who also were educated in Moscow established an "Overseas Directing Committee" which was destined to be a provisional central committee of the VCP. In sum the international communist network was a major nutrition for fledging communist parties in South-east Asia including the VCP. Also the Vietnamese revolutionaries outside Vietnam served as a main asset for the VCP by connecting it to helpful international communist networks and by providing inside Vietnam necessary strategies, personnels, and materials in the most needed time and circumstances of the first half of the 1930s.

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  9. [국내논문]   碩ㆍ博士學位論文(2003.2~2003.8)  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 335 - 337 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article examines two rather different contexts for Vietnamese communist movement during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The one is evolved around international communist movement which has been charged by the Third Communist International(Comintern). The early communist movement in Southeast Asia is concerned, the Comintern entrusted its direction to the Nanyang Communist party which was a branch of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). But this strategy had to be modified as the communist movement in Southeast Asia was developing and the CCP-led communist movement in Southeast Asia turned out to be activities centered by the Chinese and for the Chinese. A remedy for this failure was to promote localization of Southeast Asian communist movement by helping to found a communist party on the national basis. The one who materialized this idea was a Vietnamese international communist, Nguyen Ai Quoc. As the secretary of the Southern Bureau, he presided over the foundations of communist parties in Southeast Asia including the Vietnam Communist Party(VCP), Siam Communist Party and Malayan Communist Party. At the time that the international communist network in the southern China were disclosed and immediately cracked down, communist movement in Southeast Asia was on the verge of distancing from the influence of CCP and more directly of connecting itself to Comintern. The Other theme of this article is about the Vietnamese communists who worked abroad and their activities there. For this the second part of this study was devoted to several "revolutionary spaces" of the Vietnamese communists ranging from coastal southern China such as Shanghai, inland border areas between China and Vietnam such as Quangxi as far as to northeast Siam through Laos. The Vietnamese revolutionaries in those areas took responsibility of maintaining and reestablishing liaison with Comintern occasionally through the CCP and assisting restoration of the VCP which had been destroyed in the aftermath of the Soviet movements in Nghe-Tinh. The former was carried out by the Vietnamese communists in southern China. The latter task was tried to be carried out by the Vietnamese communists in Siam. More importantly several Vietnamese communists abroad who also were educated in Moscow established an "Overseas Directing Committee" which was destined to be a provisional central committee of the VCP. In sum the international communist network was a major nutrition for fledging communist parties in South-east Asia including the VCP. Also the Vietnamese revolutionaries outside Vietnam served as a main asset for the VCP by connecting it to helpful international communist networks and by providing inside Vietnam necessary strategies, personnels, and materials in the most needed time and circumstances of the first half of the 1930s.

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  10. [국내논문]   東洋史 關係 新刊目錄(2003年)  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.88 ,pp. 338 - 342 , 2004 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article examines two rather different contexts for Vietnamese communist movement during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The one is evolved around international communist movement which has been charged by the Third Communist International(Comintern). The early communist movement in Southeast Asia is concerned, the Comintern entrusted its direction to the Nanyang Communist party which was a branch of the Chinese Communist Party(CCP). But this strategy had to be modified as the communist movement in Southeast Asia was developing and the CCP-led communist movement in Southeast Asia turned out to be activities centered by the Chinese and for the Chinese. A remedy for this failure was to promote localization of Southeast Asian communist movement by helping to found a communist party on the national basis. The one who materialized this idea was a Vietnamese international communist, Nguyen Ai Quoc. As the secretary of the Southern Bureau, he presided over the foundations of communist parties in Southeast Asia including the Vietnam Communist Party(VCP), Siam Communist Party and Malayan Communist Party. At the time that the international communist network in the southern China were disclosed and immediately cracked down, communist movement in Southeast Asia was on the verge of distancing from the influence of CCP and more directly of connecting itself to Comintern. The Other theme of this article is about the Vietnamese communists who worked abroad and their activities there. For this the second part of this study was devoted to several "revolutionary spaces" of the Vietnamese communists ranging from coastal southern China such as Shanghai, inland border areas between China and Vietnam such as Quangxi as far as to northeast Siam through Laos. The Vietnamese revolutionaries in those areas took responsibility of maintaining and reestablishing liaison with Comintern occasionally through the CCP and assisting restoration of the VCP which had been destroyed in the aftermath of the Soviet movements in Nghe-Tinh. The former was carried out by the Vietnamese communists in southern China. The latter task was tried to be carried out by the Vietnamese communists in Siam. More importantly several Vietnamese communists abroad who also were educated in Moscow established an "Overseas Directing Committee" which was destined to be a provisional central committee of the VCP. In sum the international communist network was a major nutrition for fledging communist parties in South-east Asia including the VCP. Also the Vietnamese revolutionaries outside Vietnam served as a main asset for the VCP by connecting it to helpful international communist networks and by providing inside Vietnam necessary strategies, personnels, and materials in the most needed time and circumstances of the first half of the 1930s.

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