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東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies 7건

  1. [국내논문]   古代 中國의 樂의 起源과 그 변화 - 사회통합성 이해를 중심으로  

    李晟遠
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 1 - 56 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  2. [국내논문]   後漢末 '舊君' 개념의 재등장과 魏晉時期 喪服禮 - 禮學의 효용성을 중심으로  

    洪承賢
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 57 - 103 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    The purpose of this article is to consider the character of political order that Shi-da-fu(士大夫) would like to make through the appearance of concept of Jiu-jun(舊君) and the change of mourning dress etiquette III Later Han period. It can be said that the most remarkable thing of change in Later Han period is the settlement of mourning for three years. This means that contrast to Former Han, the society of Later Han became to reach the level executing the etiquette based on Confucian scriptures. Despite of the prohibition of nation, the number of people doing Qu-quan(去官) for wearing mourning became more and it became a problem of society. Wearing mourning had been extended over the relative. The representative case is wearing mourning for mentor, Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang(擧將). According to the scriptures, although the case of mentor belongs to Sin-sang(心喪), people doing Qu-quan appeared. But most characteristic thing than anything is that wearing mourning for Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang was done in the time of Later Han. It became more prevalent as time went to the end of Later Han, it had even priority than a government"s order. This shows that the society of Later Han has already reached the status that can"t be regulated by the primary relation between an emperor and citizens. To do wearing mourning of mentor, Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang became a way to get the reputation. In the society, variable relation of ruler and ruled was permitted. Namely the stratified ruling order existing between emperor and Shu-li(屬吏) of lowest level of district was approved publicly within Shi-da-fu. New nation couldn"t but admit this Shi-da-fu"s requirement for decentralization of power. Sang-zang-ling(喪葬令: the low for mourning and funeral service) made by Wei(魏) and Jin(晉) is that the requirement for decentralization of power was accepted in mourning dress etiquette. But as autonomous rules of Shi-da-fu were accepted to nation, they became to be controlled by the norm themselves had been practicing. As the result of that, many ritual book incomparable to last time, especially book of mourning dress were compiled. For compiling of many book of mourning dress, the research as yet has been found the reason from development of a noble system or need of manual. But this conclusion reduces the political role of ritual study that provides basis for the specific political situation. This point that many ritual book appeared from the end of Former Han when absolute power of emperor had been destroyed and the political form of decentralization of power had been intended shows what the political efficiency of ritual study is well. Shi-da-fu needed the objective basis for the political order that they wanted to make newly. And for this, they redefined the ritual book. It"s because ritual study shows the basis of power and decides the category of power. If ritual study performs a role that provides the justice for the political behavior and category finally, book of mourning dress in Jin(晉)period can"t be also free from the role. This is a topic to be investigated on the character of ritual study in Wei-Jin-Nan-Bei-Chao(魏晉南北朝) from now.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  3. [국내논문]   五代 文官 인식의 단면  

    金宗燮
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 105 - 135 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    The purpose of this article is to consider the character of political order that Shi-da-fu(士大夫) would like to make through the appearance of concept of Jiu-jun(舊君) and the change of mourning dress etiquette III Later Han period. It can be said that the most remarkable thing of change in Later Han period is the settlement of mourning for three years. This means that contrast to Former Han, the society of Later Han became to reach the level executing the etiquette based on Confucian scriptures. Despite of the prohibition of nation, the number of people doing Qu-quan(去官) for wearing mourning became more and it became a problem of society. Wearing mourning had been extended over the relative. The representative case is wearing mourning for mentor, Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang(擧將). According to the scriptures, although the case of mentor belongs to Sin-sang(心喪), people doing Qu-quan appeared. But most characteristic thing than anything is that wearing mourning for Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang was done in the time of Later Han. It became more prevalent as time went to the end of Later Han, it had even priority than a government"s order. This shows that the society of Later Han has already reached the status that can"t be regulated by the primary relation between an emperor and citizens. To do wearing mourning of mentor, Jiu-jun and Ju-jiang became a way to get the reputation. In the society, variable relation of ruler and ruled was permitted. Namely the stratified ruling order existing between emperor and Shu-li(屬吏) of lowest level of district was approved publicly within Shi-da-fu. New nation couldn"t but admit this Shi-da-fu"s requirement for decentralization of power. Sang-zang-ling(喪葬令: the low for mourning and funeral service) made by Wei(魏) and Jin(晉) is that the requirement for decentralization of power was accepted in mourning dress etiquette. But as autonomous rules of Shi-da-fu were accepted to nation, they became to be controlled by the norm themselves had been practicing. As the result of that, many ritual book incomparable to last time, especially book of mourning dress were compiled. For compiling of many book of mourning dress, the research as yet has been found the reason from development of a noble system or need of manual. But this conclusion reduces the political role of ritual study that provides basis for the specific political situation. This point that many ritual book appeared from the end of Former Han when absolute power of emperor had been destroyed and the political form of decentralization of power had been intended shows what the political efficiency of ritual study is well. Shi-da-fu needed the objective basis for the political order that they wanted to make newly. And for this, they redefined the ritual book. It"s because ritual study shows the basis of power and decides the category of power. If ritual study performs a role that provides the justice for the political behavior and category finally, book of mourning dress in Jin(晉)period can"t be also free from the role. This is a topic to be investigated on the character of ritual study in Wei-Jin-Nan-Bei-Chao(魏晉南北朝) from now.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  4. [국내논문]   淸 中葉 陝西省 漢中府의 수리시설과 농업용수 분쟁 - 楊塡堰과 五門堰의 사례를 중심으로  

    鄭哲雄
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 137 - 176 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article reconsiders whether a hydraulic development in a given region is necessarily related to the economic development. The irrigation system in the upper Hanshui was somewhat unusual because the Hanshui was being utilized jointly by the upper and the lower communities. Consequently, the equitable distribution of agricultural water was one of the most important problems. Minute regulations concerning the equitable distribution were provided, which stipulated the term of use by the upper and the lower Hanshui region on the basis of area irrigated. However, increase in the number of immigrants and the subsequent expansion of land irrigated by them, especially after the mid-Qing period, provoked an increase in demand of agricultural water. The contlicts concerning the use of agricultural water between the upper and the lower Hanshui region were on the increase due to this increase of demand of agricultural water. To resolve such confl icts, the bureaucrats adhered to existing regulations, which did not reflect the changes of the irrigated land following exploitation around the established irrigation system. This attitude of bureaucrats shows that they tried to restrain the farmers to expand hydraulic installments and to protect existing irrigation system. Such an attitude of the bureaucrats shows/implies that they tried to prevent the farmers from expanding hydraulic installments and instead wanted to protect the existing irrigation system. They believed that such a control was the best way to maintain order regarding the irrigation system because adherence to the existing regulation meant that the water would not be supplied to the newly developed area. The irrigation system in this region stayed very unstable until the end of Qing Dynasty due to many reasons, such as continuous exploitations, passive policy of the bureaucrats, and the conflicts around the distribution of water. This ineffective irrigation system resulted in depression of agriculture as well as environmental degradation. The local monography of this region during the mid-Qing period shows that this area was unaired and that the soil was infertile. It is also pointed out that the local irrigation system along the Hanshui has not worked effectively since the end of the 19th century and that the environment got degraded day by day, which is why this paper argues for a need to re-evaluate the simple-minded, unilinear view that a hydraulic development may lead to a general development of a particular area.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  5. [국내논문]   러일전쟁 이후 일본의 한국식민론과 식민주의적 문명론  

    함동주
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 177 - 203 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    Japan succeeded in consolidating the ground for the colonial rule of Korea by obtaining it as its Protectorate after the victory in the Russo-Japanese War. However, even then, Japan continued to embellish its intention toward Korea as to assist the advancement of civilization. This article examined the changes in the way Japan perceived Korea with Japan"s de facto colonization of Korea after the war. The changes in Japan"s discourse on Korea in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War can be summarized into two points. The first is the appearance of the discourse on the colonial rule over Korea. Although Japan had developed a variety of colonial discourse since the 1890s, it was only after the Russo-Japanese War that it considered Korea in terms of colonization. Many in Japan argued that Korea had already become its colony and poured their attentions to such issues as Korea"s place III Japanese colonial empire and the specificities of colonial rule. In short, Japan fixated Korea as its colony not only in political terms but also in the realm of public discourses. The second point is that Japanese version of popular colonialism was borne out of the mixture of Japan"s claim of its leadership in Korea"s advancement of civilization and the realities of Korea"s colonization. Since the opening of Korea in 1876, Japan had emphasized Korea"s need for the advancement of civilization as the chief ground for its interference. By the time of the Russo-Japanese War, Japan argued that Korea was innately lack of independent progress. Many in Japan urged its people to actively involve themselves for the sake of Korea"s civilization. It was argued that any involvement by ordinary Japanese were to contribute to the welfare of colonial Korea. The colonial rule of Korea became the obligation not only of those in the government but of the Japanese in general. In short, Japan"s discourse on Korea after the Russo-Japanese War began to give birth to popular colonialism in Japan.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  6. [국내논문]   彙報  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 204 - 204, 207 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    Japan succeeded in consolidating the ground for the colonial rule of Korea by obtaining it as its Protectorate after the victory in the Russo-Japanese War. However, even then, Japan continued to embellish its intention toward Korea as to assist the advancement of civilization. This article examined the changes in the way Japan perceived Korea with Japan"s de facto colonization of Korea after the war. The changes in Japan"s discourse on Korea in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War can be summarized into two points. The first is the appearance of the discourse on the colonial rule over Korea. Although Japan had developed a variety of colonial discourse since the 1890s, it was only after the Russo-Japanese War that it considered Korea in terms of colonization. Many in Japan argued that Korea had already become its colony and poured their attentions to such issues as Korea"s place III Japanese colonial empire and the specificities of colonial rule. In short, Japan fixated Korea as its colony not only in political terms but also in the realm of public discourses. The second point is that Japanese version of popular colonialism was borne out of the mixture of Japan"s claim of its leadership in Korea"s advancement of civilization and the realities of Korea"s colonization. Since the opening of Korea in 1876, Japan had emphasized Korea"s need for the advancement of civilization as the chief ground for its interference. By the time of the Russo-Japanese War, Japan argued that Korea was innately lack of independent progress. Many in Japan urged its people to actively involve themselves for the sake of Korea"s civilization. It was argued that any involvement by ordinary Japanese were to contribute to the welfare of colonial Korea. The colonial rule of Korea became the obligation not only of those in the government but of the Japanese in general. In short, Japan"s discourse on Korea after the Russo-Japanese War began to give birth to popular colonialism in Japan.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  7. [국내논문]   『于湖東洋史學論文賞』 제정과정 및 그 취지  

    박한제
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.94 ,pp. 205 - 205 , 2006 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    Japan succeeded in consolidating the ground for the colonial rule of Korea by obtaining it as its Protectorate after the victory in the Russo-Japanese War. However, even then, Japan continued to embellish its intention toward Korea as to assist the advancement of civilization. This article examined the changes in the way Japan perceived Korea with Japan"s de facto colonization of Korea after the war. The changes in Japan"s discourse on Korea in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese War can be summarized into two points. The first is the appearance of the discourse on the colonial rule over Korea. Although Japan had developed a variety of colonial discourse since the 1890s, it was only after the Russo-Japanese War that it considered Korea in terms of colonization. Many in Japan argued that Korea had already become its colony and poured their attentions to such issues as Korea"s place III Japanese colonial empire and the specificities of colonial rule. In short, Japan fixated Korea as its colony not only in political terms but also in the realm of public discourses. The second point is that Japanese version of popular colonialism was borne out of the mixture of Japan"s claim of its leadership in Korea"s advancement of civilization and the realities of Korea"s colonization. Since the opening of Korea in 1876, Japan had emphasized Korea"s need for the advancement of civilization as the chief ground for its interference. By the time of the Russo-Japanese War, Japan argued that Korea was innately lack of independent progress. Many in Japan urged its people to actively involve themselves for the sake of Korea"s civilization. It was argued that any involvement by ordinary Japanese were to contribute to the welfare of colonial Korea. The colonial rule of Korea became the obligation not only of those in the government but of the Japanese in general. In short, Japan"s discourse on Korea after the Russo-Japanese War began to give birth to popular colonialism in Japan.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지

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