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東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies 11건

  1. [국내논문]   圓仁의 入唐求法과 동아시아 인식  

    이유진
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 1 - 30 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  2. [국내논문]   서하객의 여행기를 통해 본 명ㆍ청교체기 한족 지식인의 서남변경의식  

    배영신
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 31 - 51 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    Han"s traditional approach toward the minorities were that of ignorance and exclusion. However, Han"s gentries of Ming-Qing era desired to share cultural aspects with the minority of south-western territories after travelling through constructing documents about the minorities. In other words, they delivered Han;s cultures to minority of south-western territories as the leaders of local gentries. Their normal routine was to travel to the territory and, as a result, to record the characteristics of the minorities. Their ultimate purpose was to initiate the exchange of Han"s ideology with minorities" cultural aspects and traditions which may result to conformity of ideals between the minorities and the Han"s. The spread of Han"s ideology was affected by the trend of expedition, the development of printing press, and the pilgrimage of buddhism to the south-western territories. One of the Han"s gentries, Xu Xia Ke, was also faithful to his role as the purveyor of Han"s ideology to the minorities and as the provider of the minorities" culture to the people of Han. His inspirations being his own passion and selflessness, his works had to be perfect in recording the complete details of the minority. In his documents, there are detailed description of geographical features of the land, the minority"s agricultural characteristics, and their posture as well as their opinions. From the detailed documents of Xu Xia Ke, one can fathom that he went through the area to experience and to observe the minority to produce unbiased texts of the minorities: the task that had never been done by other gentries.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  3. [국내논문]   청대 불교 세계의 여행  

    김성수
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 53 - 90 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article mainly discussed about the Journey among the patrons and lamas around the inner asian world during the Qing period. There were some patrons and lamas including several Mongolian Khans, Emperors of Qing, Manchu statesmen, Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama, Jebcundampa and so on, who had traveled around the inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. In that era, Tibetan buddhism had established a solid leadership in inner asia includes Mongols, Manchu, and Tibet. So these high positioning persons in the religious community and the politics made a network among them through journeys by themselves or by their messengers. From this network we can approach to the intellectual, political and economic activities and their connections among the temples, governments, and merchant guilds in this area. Under this circumstances politically important high-level talks 'Qighulghan' usually had been comprised of Manchu or Mongolian statesmen, and Tibetan or Mongolian lamas, so through their journeys we can understand some more details, procedures of several important conferences during the Qing period. Furthermore most of journeys among them were courtesy visits, and on the conferences or their visits the manners were so important each other because these expressed their positions in the buddhism world order. This article consists of four chapters; the first, “Heart and border in Inner Asian World during the Early Qing” describes high ranking lamas like Dalai lama behaved as a peace-maker or an effective negotiator in this area. Especially Smon lam chen mo, held in Lhasa every year, provided very important valuable meetings among patrons and lamas. The second, “Qing Emperor as a nomadic Khan and the Tibetan Buddhism” insist that the Qing Empire was the supreme ruler in inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. The third, “The meeting between the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Emperor Shun-zhi: Qing makes the network in the buddhism world” shows how Qing government put her first step in to the buddhism world network through the inviting the Fifth Dalai Lama. The last, “The Sixth Panchen Lama"s visiting to Beijing and Cheng-de: The Emperor Qian-long steps on the center of inner asian buddhism world ” reveals that the system of Beijing-resident lama was a very effective strategy for the formation of pro-Qing opinions in inner asian buddhism world which had been the political background of the victory against the Mongols. At his 70th birthday, Qian-long invited the Sixth Panchen Lama to Beijing and Cheng-de, the monument of victory, and proclaimed his authority as an highest patron in inner asia, also as the hub of the buddhism world order.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  4. [국내논문]   근대 중국인의 해외여행과 내셔널리즘, 그리고 타자인식  

    박경석
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 91 - 119 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This article mainly discussed about the Journey among the patrons and lamas around the inner asian world during the Qing period. There were some patrons and lamas including several Mongolian Khans, Emperors of Qing, Manchu statesmen, Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama, Jebcundampa and so on, who had traveled around the inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. In that era, Tibetan buddhism had established a solid leadership in inner asia includes Mongols, Manchu, and Tibet. So these high positioning persons in the religious community and the politics made a network among them through journeys by themselves or by their messengers. From this network we can approach to the intellectual, political and economic activities and their connections among the temples, governments, and merchant guilds in this area. Under this circumstances politically important high-level talks 'Qighulghan' usually had been comprised of Manchu or Mongolian statesmen, and Tibetan or Mongolian lamas, so through their journeys we can understand some more details, procedures of several important conferences during the Qing period. Furthermore most of journeys among them were courtesy visits, and on the conferences or their visits the manners were so important each other because these expressed their positions in the buddhism world order. This article consists of four chapters; the first, “Heart and border in Inner Asian World during the Early Qing” describes high ranking lamas like Dalai lama behaved as a peace-maker or an effective negotiator in this area. Especially Smon lam chen mo, held in Lhasa every year, provided very important valuable meetings among patrons and lamas. The second, “Qing Emperor as a nomadic Khan and the Tibetan Buddhism” insist that the Qing Empire was the supreme ruler in inner asia controled in the buddhism world order. The third, “The meeting between the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Emperor Shun-zhi: Qing makes the network in the buddhism world” shows how Qing government put her first step in to the buddhism world network through the inviting the Fifth Dalai Lama. The last, “The Sixth Panchen Lama"s visiting to Beijing and Cheng-de: The Emperor Qian-long steps on the center of inner asian buddhism world ” reveals that the system of Beijing-resident lama was a very effective strategy for the formation of pro-Qing opinions in inner asian buddhism world which had been the political background of the victory against the Mongols. At his 70th birthday, Qian-long invited the Sixth Panchen Lama to Beijing and Cheng-de, the monument of victory, and proclaimed his authority as an highest patron in inner asia, also as the hub of the buddhism world order.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  5. [국내논문]   19세기 유럽인들의 동아시아 인식 - 다섯 여행기 분석을 중심으로  

    박용희
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 121 - 153 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    The aim of this paper is to trace a continuous history of european image of East-Asia as an other culture. By analyzing five travel writings in 19th and early 20th century it reveals that the european visitors showed the tendency to admit east-asian culture as an other culture and went so far as to demonstrate their sympathy to the people. But their attitude toward East-Asia was far from objective. There can be no doubt that the european perceptions of East-Asia were all evidently drawn from their own ideas and prejudices about another culture. So in this paper orientalism is treated as a tradition of the european prejudice or prepossession about the non-western world. But the object of this paper is not to describe a continuous history of orientalism as a european prejudice, nor is it to identify a unified and consistent meaning of the notion of the East-Asia in Europe. Five travel writings were analysed on the assumption that each orientalist situation expresses a distinct range of the concerns with differences. What is evident is that the visitors in the early 19th century were comparatively free from the hegemonic ascendancy or the air of superiority prevailing in the era of imperialism. Further, the sexual differences is conducive to the heterogeneity of their perceptions of other culture. Even so, we can find the persistent moment of orientalism in the viewpoint taken by the european visitors. Ultimately they failed in avoiding completely the position as europeans. To be sure, their viewpoint was not filled with the european unilateral will of power. Nevertheless, their attitude toward the East-Asia was quite contradictory. Behind their acceptance with the east-asian culture as oneself they did not abandon the impression that the East-Asia was regressive. Though they tried to keep distance with the politics, they were not reluctant to reveal the pride in the modern european culture. So it is safe to say that their viewpoint of East-Asia was basically eurocentric.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  6. [국내논문]   인도인이 본 근대의 동양세계  

    李玉順
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 155 - 177 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This paper analyses how East was imagined by the East in the modern period, that is, how Indians under the British colonial rule perceived other East countries through travel writings of Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) and Ravindranath Tagore (1861-1941). The uniqueness of two Indian travelers was their stance of teaching something to the West when the superiority of the West was norm and prevalent. The trope this article focuses on is that did the Indian travelers perceive the East Asia differently from the Western travelers? The world famous Hindu monk Vivekananda and the Nobel awarded Tagore imagined the East as one world of 'non-West' and spiritually superior space, entirely different from the corrupted material world of modern West. For them India with the glorifying Ancient civilization and Buddhism was center of the East and thus their accounts on the East remained with an absence of native mockery of the Western traveler's gullibility. The East presented in the travel writings of Vivekananda and Tagore was not however the real one but the world in the colonized non-west's imaginary, specially the spiritual East offered them a mode of perception suited the East"s self-image and their self-definition as a spiritual messenger to the West in the West dominating colonial modern world.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  7. [국내논문]   宋代의 法과 訟師의 향방  

    朴永哲
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 179 - 214 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This paper analyses how East was imagined by the East in the modern period, that is, how Indians under the British colonial rule perceived other East countries through travel writings of Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) and Ravindranath Tagore (1861-1941). The uniqueness of two Indian travelers was their stance of teaching something to the West when the superiority of the West was norm and prevalent. The trope this article focuses on is that did the Indian travelers perceive the East Asia differently from the Western travelers? The world famous Hindu monk Vivekananda and the Nobel awarded Tagore imagined the East as one world of 'non-West' and spiritually superior space, entirely different from the corrupted material world of modern West. For them India with the glorifying Ancient civilization and Buddhism was center of the East and thus their accounts on the East remained with an absence of native mockery of the Western traveler's gullibility. The East presented in the travel writings of Vivekananda and Tagore was not however the real one but the world in the colonized non-west's imaginary, specially the spiritual East offered them a mode of perception suited the East"s self-image and their self-definition as a spiritual messenger to the West in the West dominating colonial modern world.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  8. [국내논문]   淸 嘉慶~道光初 兩淮鹽商 沒落의 原因  

    丘凡眞
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 215 - 269 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This paper is an attempt to explore the determining factor to cause many of Lianghuai salt merchants" bankruptcy by the end of the 1830s, when the Qing government had to initiate a comprehensive reform program to rescue its salt administration out of the unprecedented crisis. Some scholars have argued that the rising silver price was the most important factor to exhaust Lianghuai merchants" enormous capital, which they had managed to accumulate during the 18th century, when copper-cash/silver exchange rate was favorable to them. But the proponents of this argument has failed to provide us with any relevant evidences to prove it. Moreover, this argument was built upon a wrong assumption that the salt in Lianghuai was officially priced in terms of copper cash. In fact, as far as the business of transport merchants in Lianghuai were concerned, salt was priced in terms of silver, not copper cash. It is possible that the rising silver price caused the retail price of salt to increase, which in turn widened the price gap between legal and illegal salt, causing trade in the latter to expand rapidly. However, the changes in salt prices and sales returns of the transport merchants tells us that this effect, at least by the 1830s, was not so serious to make us regard the silver price as the most important factor in determining the fortune of the Lianghuai merchants. A quantitative analysis undertaken in this paper leads us to another direction. From the last decade of Qianlong reign to the first decade of Daoguang reign, transport merchants in Lianghuai failed to meet the salt sales quota. They had to pay to the government more than 28 million taels of silver to complete their salt tax liability to the unsold salt. During the same period, in order to help the Qing government defray unexpected expenditures, Lianghuai merchants made large contributory payments, which were nominally out of their volition but mostly compulsory in reality, which amounted to almost 73 million taels in total. The fact that the liability to the unsold salt and the contributory payments accounted for most of the capital loss suffered by Lianghuai salt merchants makes us to regard the tax burden, defined in a broader sense, as the most important factor to force the salt merchants to fall into the unprecedented crisis by the end of 1830s, after which, I think, the negative impacts of rising silver price loomed much larger than before, to which phenomenon I will turn my attention next time.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  9. [국내논문]   淸末 廣州港에서 生絲ㆍ비단 수출무역의 위상과 특징  

    朴基水
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 271 - 329 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This paper is an attempt to explore the determining factor to cause many of Lianghuai salt merchants" bankruptcy by the end of the 1830s, when the Qing government had to initiate a comprehensive reform program to rescue its salt administration out of the unprecedented crisis. Some scholars have argued that the rising silver price was the most important factor to exhaust Lianghuai merchants" enormous capital, which they had managed to accumulate during the 18th century, when copper-cash/silver exchange rate was favorable to them. But the proponents of this argument has failed to provide us with any relevant evidences to prove it. Moreover, this argument was built upon a wrong assumption that the salt in Lianghuai was officially priced in terms of copper cash. In fact, as far as the business of transport merchants in Lianghuai were concerned, salt was priced in terms of silver, not copper cash. It is possible that the rising silver price caused the retail price of salt to increase, which in turn widened the price gap between legal and illegal salt, causing trade in the latter to expand rapidly. However, the changes in salt prices and sales returns of the transport merchants tells us that this effect, at least by the 1830s, was not so serious to make us regard the silver price as the most important factor in determining the fortune of the Lianghuai merchants. A quantitative analysis undertaken in this paper leads us to another direction. From the last decade of Qianlong reign to the first decade of Daoguang reign, transport merchants in Lianghuai failed to meet the salt sales quota. They had to pay to the government more than 28 million taels of silver to complete their salt tax liability to the unsold salt. During the same period, in order to help the Qing government defray unexpected expenditures, Lianghuai merchants made large contributory payments, which were nominally out of their volition but mostly compulsory in reality, which amounted to almost 73 million taels in total. The fact that the liability to the unsold salt and the contributory payments accounted for most of the capital loss suffered by Lianghuai salt merchants makes us to regard the tax burden, defined in a broader sense, as the most important factor to force the salt merchants to fall into the unprecedented crisis by the end of 1830s, after which, I think, the negative impacts of rising silver price loomed much larger than before, to which phenomenon I will turn my attention next time.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  10. [국내논문]   민두기 사학의 일면 - 한 중국사학자의 '중국사 담론'  

    임상범
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.107 ,pp. 331 - 381 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    Research of late professor Mintuki represents where the Chinese Historian community in South Korea stands now. Mintugi"s unique perspective was for a long time considered as the only possible way of studying Chinese History in South Korea. As perusing his life-long work of criticism on Chinese History which is seldom mentioned in current Korean intellectual community, I recognized the needs of seeing his researches in the context of Korean intellectual history, and the possibilities of applying the discourse of Chinese history to such a process. In order for this, I looked at the formation and advance of Mintukian History in the context of South Korean modern history, so as to understand the structure of his discourse of Chinese History. Mintuki lived through the latter half of the 20th century when Republic of Korea was founded and competed with North Korea to boast its superiority. Of course, he had compassion for humanity when he chose History as his profession, and his compassion surfaced as an interest in life of peoples. At the same time, he was liberal in a rather traditional sense, focusing on objective and positive methodologies. Nevertheless, in contemporary society where globalization is forced onto people, I think we need to view History from a different perspective than his. That is, to see how an abstract idea of a modern nation materialized in local everyday communities, and to see how marginalized communities and their constituents reacted to the external force -- what the modern nation meant to individuals who had to be liberated and respected. This repositioning of perspectives is to be done in the view of resistance and diversity.

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