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T : 목차정보

東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies 9건

  1. [국내논문]   前漢 更卒의 徵集과 服役 方式 - 松柏木牘 47호의 분석을 중심으로  

    李成珪
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 1 - 93 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  2. [국내논문]   秦漢代의 郵傳기구와 문서전달체계  

    吳峻錫
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 95 - 140 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  3. [국내논문]   元代의 漢文實錄과 蒙文實錄 - 『元史』 「本紀」의 中國中心的 一面性의 解明을 위하여  

    金浩東
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 141 - 189 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    It is astonishing to find in the Benji (Basic Annals) of Yuanshi very few remarks on the situation in Mongolia and the northeastern frontiers. For example, it is very difficult to follow the events surrounding the confrontaion between the armies of Qubilai Qa'an and Qaidu. This prompted our investigation about the nature and the source of the Shilu (Veritable Records) which became the basis of the Benji. What follows are some of the major points revealed by our research. (1) The compilation of Shilu in the Yuan period was started at first by the memorial of Wang E (王鄂) in 1261, and just before January of 1287 the Taizu leizhao shilu (The Veritable Records of Chinggis Khan and Succeeding Emperors) was completed. Based on this, a Mongolian translated version written in Uighur scripts was made and it was read before Qubilai in the year of 1288. He made some comments on it and they understook revisioning the Mongolian version. Finally, in 1296, the revised Mongolian Shilu of Taizhong (?edei), Xianzhong (M?gke) and Shizu (Qubilai) were presented to Tem? Qa'an. In this way, the Shilu (from Chinggis Khan up to Qubilai) in the Yuan period was made at first in Chinese and then translated into Mongolian, which was later considerably revised. (2) Although we cannot find the mention on the Mongolian Shilu after the compilation of Shizu Shilu, we find instead several remarks on tuobuchiyan. It is a transcription of a Mongolian word tobchiyan which means “abridgement, summary, total”. This seems to have been a term designating the Mongolian Shilu from Chinggis Khan down to Qubilai, as well as historical records written in Mongolian from the reign of Tem? Qa'an. (3) At present, there is not a single surviving shilu of the Yuan times whether in Chinese or in Mongolian, including the shilu of Chinggis Khan. However, if we compare three different historical materials – Shengwu Qinzhenglu, Dāstān-i Chingīz Khān in Jāmi` at ‐tavārīkh, and Taizu benji in Yuanshi, it is apparent that the first two are based on the revised Mongolian version of Taizu shilu, while the last one is based on the Chinese version. A detailed comparison of these two versions, we can discover the fact that the first two shows a 'Mongolian' point of view while the third reflects a 'Chinese' perspective. (4) The lack of records pertaining to the northeastern frontiers as mentioned above was exactly because all the Benji in Yuanshi were based on the Chinese Shilu. In the Yuan times the Chinese Shilu was compiled utilizing various sources. The most important ones are Shizhengji (時政記) and Qijuzhu (起居注), but these are not extensive records of Qa'an's daily utterance and activities but a collection of memorials and edicts written only in 'Chinese language', which were stored in Hanlin and National History Academy. Military reports were mostly written in Mongolian only and responded by Qa'an and high officials in Mongolian too. These materials were considered as secret and even the Censorate were generally not allowed to investigate into these. Moreover, only the matters which were associated with Chinese people were written in Chinese. If an incident took place among the Mongols themselves, there was no need to report it in Chinese. Thus, only the matters which involved Chinese or those between Chinese and non-Chinese were written in Chinese language. The peculiarity of chacellery system in the Yuan times prevented the matters related with military as well as non‐Chinese affairs from being reported in Chinese, and they were completely excluded when Chinese Shilu were compiled. The above findings made it sufficiently clear that the Benji in Yuanshi cannot properly represent the reality of the Yuan imperial rule. It is a reflection of only a partial picture viewed from Chinese side and perspective. The compilers of Yuanshi i..

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  4. [국내논문]   제1차 세계대전 이후 중국 대외무역과 중국경제의 변화  

    朴正鉉
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 191 - 224 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    It is astonishing to find in the Benji (Basic Annals) of Yuanshi very few remarks on the situation in Mongolia and the northeastern frontiers. For example, it is very difficult to follow the events surrounding the confrontaion between the armies of Qubilai Qa'an and Qaidu. This prompted our investigation about the nature and the source of the Shilu (Veritable Records) which became the basis of the Benji. What follows are some of the major points revealed by our research. (1) The compilation of Shilu in the Yuan period was started at first by the memorial of Wang E (王鄂) in 1261, and just before January of 1287 the Taizu leizhao shilu (The Veritable Records of Chinggis Khan and Succeeding Emperors) was completed. Based on this, a Mongolian translated version written in Uighur scripts was made and it was read before Qubilai in the year of 1288. He made some comments on it and they understook revisioning the Mongolian version. Finally, in 1296, the revised Mongolian Shilu of Taizhong (?edei), Xianzhong (M?gke) and Shizu (Qubilai) were presented to Tem? Qa'an. In this way, the Shilu (from Chinggis Khan up to Qubilai) in the Yuan period was made at first in Chinese and then translated into Mongolian, which was later considerably revised. (2) Although we cannot find the mention on the Mongolian Shilu after the compilation of Shizu Shilu, we find instead several remarks on tuobuchiyan. It is a transcription of a Mongolian word tobchiyan which means “abridgement, summary, total”. This seems to have been a term designating the Mongolian Shilu from Chinggis Khan down to Qubilai, as well as historical records written in Mongolian from the reign of Tem? Qa'an. (3) At present, there is not a single surviving shilu of the Yuan times whether in Chinese or in Mongolian, including the shilu of Chinggis Khan. However, if we compare three different historical materials – Shengwu Qinzhenglu, Dāstān-i Chingīz Khān in Jāmi` at ‐tavārīkh, and Taizu benji in Yuanshi, it is apparent that the first two are based on the revised Mongolian version of Taizu shilu, while the last one is based on the Chinese version. A detailed comparison of these two versions, we can discover the fact that the first two shows a 'Mongolian' point of view while the third reflects a 'Chinese' perspective. (4) The lack of records pertaining to the northeastern frontiers as mentioned above was exactly because all the Benji in Yuanshi were based on the Chinese Shilu. In the Yuan times the Chinese Shilu was compiled utilizing various sources. The most important ones are Shizhengji (時政記) and Qijuzhu (起居注), but these are not extensive records of Qa'an's daily utterance and activities but a collection of memorials and edicts written only in 'Chinese language', which were stored in Hanlin and National History Academy. Military reports were mostly written in Mongolian only and responded by Qa'an and high officials in Mongolian too. These materials were considered as secret and even the Censorate were generally not allowed to investigate into these. Moreover, only the matters which were associated with Chinese people were written in Chinese. If an incident took place among the Mongols themselves, there was no need to report it in Chinese. Thus, only the matters which involved Chinese or those between Chinese and non-Chinese were written in Chinese language. The peculiarity of chacellery system in the Yuan times prevented the matters related with military as well as non‐Chinese affairs from being reported in Chinese, and they were completely excluded when Chinese Shilu were compiled. The above findings made it sufficiently clear that the Benji in Yuanshi cannot properly represent the reality of the Yuan imperial rule. It is a reflection of only a partial picture viewed from Chinese side and perspective. The compilers of Yuanshi i..

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  5. [국내논문]   1926-1935년 重慶의 '內的'ㆍ'人的' 요소와 도시근대화 - 조정요망  

    金希信
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 225 - 277 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of 'port opening.' The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光麃, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of 'the centers' was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very 'diverse' modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people's value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on 'construction' imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression 'downstream people (downstream culture),' the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  6. [국내논문]   商業統制總會의 綿紗布 收買政策 再論  

    金志煥
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 279 - 310 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of 'port opening.' The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光麃, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of 'the centers' was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very 'diverse' modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people's value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on 'construction' imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression 'downstream people (downstream culture),' the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  7. [국내논문]   근세 쵸슈(長州)ㆍ사츠마(薩摩)의 朝鮮語通詞와 조선정보수집  

    許芝銀
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 311 - 358 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    During the early 17th century Japan"s foreign relations contracted dramatically due to the so-called seclusion policy of the Tokugawa bakufu. The country, however, was far from closed. The bakufu maintained four windows to the outside world which included Nagasaki, Tsushima, Satsuma and Matsumae, through which foreign trade and diplomacy were conducted. These places also played an important role in collecting and distributing information related to Japan"s national security. Tsushima played a key role in collecting Korea-related and China-related information. The Japanese Outpost in Korea called Waegwan( 倭館) established and managed by Tsushima played a key role in Japan"s foreign relations with Korea. Korean officials and merchants visited the Waegwan, and they were to be mediated by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters in their dealings with the Japanese counterparts. The information collected by the Korean interpreters were reported to the bakufu through the Tsushima domain. The head of Waegwan sent the report to the domain. Then Tsushima sent the report to the karo at domain"s Edo residence. The karo or rusui of the domain submitted the report to the roju of the bakufu in the medium of its karo. Sometimes the report was distributed to other high-ranking bakufu officials such as ometsuke in order to strengthen its position in Korea-Japan relations. Some bakufu officials such as kanjo bugyo asked Tsushima officials to report the information to them without the permission of the roju. They responded to this kind of request only if they thought it was beneficial to the domain. When officials at Tsushima"s Edo residence submit information to the bakufu officials, they paid a special attention to the fact that information unfavorable for Tsushima"s special position in Korea-Japan relations should not be included. It was not unusual that Tsushima officials doctored or altered the information before it submitted the report to the bakufu. The information related to Korea or China collected and reported by the Tsushima domain seemed to be distributed to other places. Some information could be leaked out in Edo and were delivered to local areas. It is possible that in some cases information could be delivered directly from Tsushima to other domains. Matsubara, former Korean interpreter, was invited to the Choshu domain, where he answered questions asked by domain officials. Questions and answers were included in Chosenmonogatari (朝鮮物語 ). Hyomintaiwa (漂民對話 ) which was used as a Korean language textbook at Naeshirogawa( 苗代川) of the Satsuma domain also showed that information on Korea was delivered all the way to the Satsuma domain in southern Kyushu. This clealy shows that information on Korea or China collected by the Tsushima domain could be distributed widely in spite of bakufu"s efforts to regulate the distribution of information on outside world. When the debate over Japan"s conquest of Korea stimulated Japanese interest in Korea in the early Meiji period, many publications on Korea appeared and many of them were based on information collected by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters. It can be said that the Japanese attitude toward Korea in the early Meiji period was influenced by the information collected by Korean interpreters in the early modern period.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  8. [국내논문]   國內 東洋史關係 論文要目(2008年)  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 359 - 425 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    During the early 17th century Japan"s foreign relations contracted dramatically due to the so-called seclusion policy of the Tokugawa bakufu. The country, however, was far from closed. The bakufu maintained four windows to the outside world which included Nagasaki, Tsushima, Satsuma and Matsumae, through which foreign trade and diplomacy were conducted. These places also played an important role in collecting and distributing information related to Japan"s national security. Tsushima played a key role in collecting Korea-related and China-related information. The Japanese Outpost in Korea called Waegwan( 倭館) established and managed by Tsushima played a key role in Japan"s foreign relations with Korea. Korean officials and merchants visited the Waegwan, and they were to be mediated by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters in their dealings with the Japanese counterparts. The information collected by the Korean interpreters were reported to the bakufu through the Tsushima domain. The head of Waegwan sent the report to the domain. Then Tsushima sent the report to the karo at domain"s Edo residence. The karo or rusui of the domain submitted the report to the roju of the bakufu in the medium of its karo. Sometimes the report was distributed to other high-ranking bakufu officials such as ometsuke in order to strengthen its position in Korea-Japan relations. Some bakufu officials such as kanjo bugyo asked Tsushima officials to report the information to them without the permission of the roju. They responded to this kind of request only if they thought it was beneficial to the domain. When officials at Tsushima"s Edo residence submit information to the bakufu officials, they paid a special attention to the fact that information unfavorable for Tsushima"s special position in Korea-Japan relations should not be included. It was not unusual that Tsushima officials doctored or altered the information before it submitted the report to the bakufu. The information related to Korea or China collected and reported by the Tsushima domain seemed to be distributed to other places. Some information could be leaked out in Edo and were delivered to local areas. It is possible that in some cases information could be delivered directly from Tsushima to other domains. Matsubara, former Korean interpreter, was invited to the Choshu domain, where he answered questions asked by domain officials. Questions and answers were included in Chosenmonogatari (朝鮮物語 ). Hyomintaiwa (漂民對話 ) which was used as a Korean language textbook at Naeshirogawa( 苗代川) of the Satsuma domain also showed that information on Korea was delivered all the way to the Satsuma domain in southern Kyushu. This clealy shows that information on Korea or China collected by the Tsushima domain could be distributed widely in spite of bakufu"s efforts to regulate the distribution of information on outside world. When the debate over Japan"s conquest of Korea stimulated Japanese interest in Korea in the early Meiji period, many publications on Korea appeared and many of them were based on information collected by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters. It can be said that the Japanese attitude toward Korea in the early Meiji period was influenced by the information collected by Korean interpreters in the early modern period.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

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  9. [국내논문]   彙報 외  

    편집부
    東洋史學硏究 = Journal of Asian historical studies v.109 ,pp. 426 - 429 , 2009 , 1226-1270 ,

    초록

    During the early 17th century Japan"s foreign relations contracted dramatically due to the so-called seclusion policy of the Tokugawa bakufu. The country, however, was far from closed. The bakufu maintained four windows to the outside world which included Nagasaki, Tsushima, Satsuma and Matsumae, through which foreign trade and diplomacy were conducted. These places also played an important role in collecting and distributing information related to Japan"s national security. Tsushima played a key role in collecting Korea-related and China-related information. The Japanese Outpost in Korea called Waegwan( 倭館) established and managed by Tsushima played a key role in Japan"s foreign relations with Korea. Korean officials and merchants visited the Waegwan, and they were to be mediated by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters in their dealings with the Japanese counterparts. The information collected by the Korean interpreters were reported to the bakufu through the Tsushima domain. The head of Waegwan sent the report to the domain. Then Tsushima sent the report to the karo at domain"s Edo residence. The karo or rusui of the domain submitted the report to the roju of the bakufu in the medium of its karo. Sometimes the report was distributed to other high-ranking bakufu officials such as ometsuke in order to strengthen its position in Korea-Japan relations. Some bakufu officials such as kanjo bugyo asked Tsushima officials to report the information to them without the permission of the roju. They responded to this kind of request only if they thought it was beneficial to the domain. When officials at Tsushima"s Edo residence submit information to the bakufu officials, they paid a special attention to the fact that information unfavorable for Tsushima"s special position in Korea-Japan relations should not be included. It was not unusual that Tsushima officials doctored or altered the information before it submitted the report to the bakufu. The information related to Korea or China collected and reported by the Tsushima domain seemed to be distributed to other places. Some information could be leaked out in Edo and were delivered to local areas. It is possible that in some cases information could be delivered directly from Tsushima to other domains. Matsubara, former Korean interpreter, was invited to the Choshu domain, where he answered questions asked by domain officials. Questions and answers were included in Chosenmonogatari (朝鮮物語 ). Hyomintaiwa (漂民對話 ) which was used as a Korean language textbook at Naeshirogawa( 苗代川) of the Satsuma domain also showed that information on Korea was delivered all the way to the Satsuma domain in southern Kyushu. This clealy shows that information on Korea or China collected by the Tsushima domain could be distributed widely in spite of bakufu"s efforts to regulate the distribution of information on outside world. When the debate over Japan"s conquest of Korea stimulated Japanese interest in Korea in the early Meiji period, many publications on Korea appeared and many of them were based on information collected by Tsushima"s Korean interpreters. It can be said that the Japanese attitude toward Korea in the early Meiji period was influenced by the information collected by Korean interpreters in the early modern period.

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    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

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