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T : 목차정보

미술사연구 = Journal of art history 14건

  1. [국내논문]   明代 石田 沈周의 倣古繪畵硏究 - 元四大家를 중심으로  

    김신영
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 7 - 40 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This paper focuses on two points: it will discuss the complex background and reasons for a Ming Painter Shen Zhou(1427~1508)"s absorption by and fascination with the revival of the old painting styles of the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan as seen through the context of the 15th century painting. And also the particular styles of each Four Great Masters, as well as their macroscopic features will be observed. Shen Zhou"s imitation of old painting styles can be seen as having been achieved by locating his creativity at a point between the “vertical lineage”of his highly cultured and historically and artistically connected family, and the “horizontal lineage”of both the revivalist movement taking place at his time. His extraordinary network of acquaintances, which, among other things, gave him access to a great number of works from the Yuan Dynasty and earlier antiquities. Observing Shen Zhou"s attitude towards revivalism, we notice his style of making the artist whom he was referring was adopted by later artists and adapted to the point of overtly inscribing “in the manner of □□”on the work itself. In practice, while he followed the old masters, the fact that he seriously considered his own personality when he created through “Xing”(興) also has a thread of connection with the Wang Yangming doctrine"s emphasis on “Xin”(心). His attitude toward the painting of actual landscapes was based on tradition, by which he grasped the old masters"style and its complementary relation to nature. Above all, he made efforts to learn directly from the Dong Yuan-Ju Ran(abbreviated as Dong-Ju) and Jing Hao-Guan Tong(abbreviated as Jing-Guan) traditions, as had been his ultimate goal, and yet, since in Shen Zhou"s period it was hard to view their actual works, he instead learned through the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan (he was less influenced by Zhao Mengfu. Differing from Dong Qichang"s view that the Four Great Masters all imitated the style of Dong-Ju, Shen Zhou stated consistently that not all of the four imitated Dong-Ju, because, in Shen Zhou"s opinion, Ni Zan had instead followed Jing-Guan). Shen Zhou"s preference for the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan was quite different from the dichotomous viewpoint of the Late Ming Dynasty that was to follow. On account of Shen Zhou"s adoption of the styles of Wang Meng, Huang Gongwang, Ni Zan and Wu Zhen (who was, relatively speaking, not widely known) as his major influences, they were later named the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan by Dong Qichang and were deeply revered until the Qing Dynasty. Due to his own tastes, the effects of his elder family members, certain regional features, and the inspiration he drew from the older Wu artists, the influence of the Four Great Masters of the Late Yuan existed even in the early stages of Shen Zhou"s painting. However, in Shen Zhou"s actual work the styles of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen appear fairly late. In particular, Wu Zhen"s influence became possible because Shen Zhou had an opportunity to appreciate a good deal of Wu"s work around the 1480s. On the one hand, his early work in the Wang Meng and Huang Gongwang style was based on the work which Shen Zhou could easily appreciate around himself, and yet those early works were immature, as if they were synthetic. On the other hand, while following Wang Fu and Lu Zhi"s interpretation of the works of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen, in his latter period Shen Zhou"s own works in the style of Ni Zan and Wu Zhen reached a completely unique stage. Also, each painting style of the Four Great Masters contributed variously to the formation of Shen Zhou"s painting styles: Wang Meng"s dynamic screen process and longer screen format became Shen"s screen style; Shen took Huang Gongwang"s mountain style as the basic composition while exercising different ..

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  2. [국내논문]   明刊本『西廂記』揷圖硏究  

    박청아
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 41 - 78 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This article focuses on the diversities and traits of the wood-block prints shown in Xixiangji(西廂記), or The Romance of the Western Chamber, a drama of the Yuan Dynasty of which there are many different versions, depending on the place where they were made and the time when they were printed during the Late Ming Dynasty. Wood-block illustrators produced illustrations which revealed the regional characteristics of Jianan, Jinling and Huizhou. Those places were the centers of production of wood-block prints during the Late Ming Dynasty. From the Wanli period (1573~1615) to the Chongzhen period(1628~1644), Xixiangji was engraved on wood blocks in many regions including Jinling and Huizhou. The illustrations of Xixiangji, printed in Jianan and Jinling during the Early Wanli period, consisted of simple compositions featuring a clear contrast of black and white in bold and thick lines. From the Mid-Wanli period, Wang Geng and the Huang family from Huizhou led the Anhui style which influenced other regions during the Late Ming Dynasty. The illustrations produced in the Anhui style exhibited a wonderful harmony between the figures and scenery in terms of their delicate and decorative patterns. In particular, Wang Geng's style of figures exerted considerable influence on the styles of Jinling and Wulin wood-block prints. From the late Wanli period to the Chongzhen period, a new style of Xixiangji illustrations appeared throughout Wulin and Wuxing. Those illustrations displayed a new tendency that emphasized the landscape compared to the figures inside the scene. Meanwhile, Chen Houngshou constructed a different style from other illustrators who emphasized a distant view for the landscape and figure prints. In the case of Zhangshenzhizheng Beixixiangmiben(張深之正北西廂秘本), he attempted to focus on figures instead of scenery and tried to forge his own style. Even though his style was creative, it was partly based on the pre-existing illustrations of Huizhou. There was an interesting point in the portrait of Cui Yingying, the heroine of Xixiangji, who appeared in the frontispieces of several versions of Xixiangji. She appeared for the first time on Xixiangjizalu(西廂記雜錄), which was published in Suzhou in 1569. The inscriptions on the picture said that they originated from the figure paintings of Chen Juzhong of the Song Dynasty or Tang Yin of the Ming Dynasty, even though they did not show any specific similarities or connections with them. In the case of Chen Hongshou, his portraits of Yingying were characteristic and they were based on his original beauty painting in his own figure paintings. It was also important that the portrait of Cui Yingying in the Late Ming Dynasty had influenced on the beauty illustration of wood-block prints in the Early Qing Dynasty. Based on the solid structures of the text, the illustrations of Xixiangji were developed into various expressive styles, increasing its commercial value.

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  3. [국내논문]   又峰趙熙龍의 繪畵觀  

    홍성윤
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 79 - 106 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This thesis aims to consider the theoretical view of painting and achieve an understanding of the Chinese literary art of Jo Huiryong(1789~1866), a painter of the middle-class literati in the first half of the 19 th century, through his writings. As the literary activities of the middle class gained pace in the 19th century, they also came to play an increasing role in the world of painting, among whom Jo Huiryong was a leading figure. The study of his view of painting is thought to have contributed to the comprehension of the paintings of not only Jo Huiryong but also of middle-class literary society of that time, as well as the painting phenomenon of the nineteenth century in general. In the 19 th century, Chinese culture reached Korea as a result of more active interchanges with China. The middle classes had the economic and intellectual freedom to learn about and enjoy Chinese books and paintings by themselves. Such conditions provided them with an opportunity to understand the current of Chinese painting and essays on paintings. The raised consciousness of the literary culture of the Ming and Qing Dynasties achieved through such channels helped them to understand the trend of the Joseon Dynasty"s artistic milieu. Jo Huiryong was also able to access Chinese books and paintings, something which can be confirmed by many of the comments in his writings about Chinese paintings and the related theories. The Chinese paintings he saw were principally those of the Qing Dynasty rather than those dating from more earlier times, mirroring the exchange that had taken place between Joseon and Qing since the 18th century as a result of the Yeonam circle, as well as the influence of Kim Jeonghui. Jo Huiryong referred to such books on art theory as Xuanhe Huapu(宣和畵譜), Tuhui Baojian(圖繪寶鑑) and Guochao Huahuilu(國朝畵徵錄), all of which were representative books on critical painting including compact biographies of painters. He referred to painters of the pre-Yuan Dynasty as Xuanhe Huapu and Tuhui Baojian, and to painters of the Ming and Qing periods as Guochao Huahuilu. Apart from these books, Jo Huiryong quoted such critical essays on painting as Nigulu(妮古錄), which was written by Chen Jiru of the Ming Dynasty, Banqiao Tihua(板橋題畵) by Zheng Xie of the Qing Dynasty, and Pushan lunhua(浦山論畵) by Zhang Geng. The book that Jo Huiryong mentioned most frequently was Chen Jiru"s Nigulu. Jo Huiryong also cited many short essays of the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasty, including Nigulu. Here, we can see that the style of literary culture prevalent during the Late Ming Dynasty, which was brought into the capital by Joseon noblemen during the eighteenth century, survived until the nineteenth century. What has drawn considerable attention in building up Jo Huiryong"s view of painting is how he was affected by and distinguished from Kim Jeonghui from an artistic viewpoint. They had a close relationship in the aspect of literature and painting. According to many records, the relationship between Jo Huiryong and Kim Jeonghui continued throughout their lives, and it becomes clear that this relationship was a major influence on Jo Huiryong"s artistic activity. Jo Huiryong"s view of painting was even further developed based on Kim Jeonghui"s theory. Jo Huiryong"s theory on paintings was explored here in the light of two aspects: namely the usefulness and the creation of paintings. As for their usefulness, Jo Huiryong defined paintings that are valuable as an expression of the artist"s thoughts. Jo Huiryong valued the activity of creation in itself as well. He also thought that paintings could contribute to human longevity and that they reflected the Taoist hermit ideologies that were then popular among middle-class society. The discussion of creative activity meant defining how a painter could reveal his or her thoughts through the pain..

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  4. [국내논문]   又峰 趙熙龍의 梅花圖  

    김지선
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 107 - 130 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    In the Late Joseon Dynasty, the cultural environment of the capital, Hanseong, was clearly different from that of other provinces, and connoisseurship became popular among admirers of antique works of Chinese calligraphy or paintings seeking to express their loftiness and refinement. Moreover, the demand for artistic works increased greatly. Most studies have estimated that Jo Huiryong(1789~1866), a painter who was well-known for his plum blossom paintings in the 19th century, was influenced by Kim Jeonghui. Although Kim Jeonghui was an influential leader among painters, the works of middle class artists including Jo seem to have been painted to suit the taste of collectors. Jo"s plum blossom paintings show richer and more magnificent pictorial images, unlike the classical literati representatives of Kim"s. Because Jo rarely dated his own works, it is difficult to categorize them chronologically. As such, this study classifies almost all of his works by size and categorizes them vertically hanging scrolls of plum blossoms, small size leaf paintings, and panoramic view of plum blossoms in a form of screen panels. In his narrow vertical type of works, Jo attempted to express a sense akin to stone inscription calligraphy, by representing the twisted branches of plum trees with strong, sharp, and straight lines similar to the calligraphic style. He also painted many small leaf paintings using ink in an improvised painting style of the classical literati. Moreover, he started to produce huge panoramic plum screen panels for the first time during the Joseon period. In particular, Jo"s panel works are characterized by their grand size and spectacular images. He focused on the expressive potentials of brush and ink, projecting his personal interpretation of the painted subject. Jo adapted the style of the Yangzhou School while developing his own style, and became influential among his contemporaries and to the painters of the next generation. Jo"s plum blossom paintings are not only emblems of the literati"s classical painting but also ideal ink plum images that represent the artist as a solitary creator.

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  5. [국내논문]   藹春 申命衍의 繪畵  

    신성란
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 131 - 166 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This thesis examines the life and artistic world of Aechun, Shin Myeongyeon(1809~1886), a literati painter of the Late Joseon Dynasty. He was born as the second son of Jaha, Shin Wi(1769~1847). He produced many paintings with such subject matters as flowers and birds, landscapes, the Four Gentlemen, and human figures, enriching the art circles of the Late Joseon Dynasty by introducing new styles of painting. Though he is not only estimated to have shown exceptional artistic talent in the painting of flowers and birds and also left many works with other subject matters, Shin Myeongyeon has not been the subject of specialized research as yet. In this context, this thesis will focus on his life and art as a whole. I think this will help to illuminate the art circles of the 19th century from various points of view, by clarifying his position in the art history of the Late Joseon Dynasty. Shin Myeongyeon was the son of Shin Wi, a representative scholar-gentleman painter and poet of those times, and remained in government service through his life after passing the military service examination; he was even promoted to the title of Dangsanggwan. Together with his brother, Shin Myeongjun(1803~1842), he cultivated the arts of poetry, calligraphy and painting with his own father. He was also related with Yoon Jeong(1809~?) and Lee Geonpil(1830~?), scholar-gentleman painters of the period. Following his father"s view of painting, Shin Myeongyeon pursued the literati painting of the xieyi(寫意) style based on Su Shi(1036~1101)"s theory on art, which held that poetry and painting are one and the same thing. In addition, he had access to the various Chinese paintings that his father collected and appreciated. In particular, he accepted the new styles of painting of the Qing Dynasty created by the painters of Beijing with whom his father was acquainted. Most of his paintings plainly reveal the influence of this style and his positive introduction of Yun Shouping(1633~1690)"s style, which prevailed in the Qing Dynasty and made the circles of the painting of flowers and birds of the 19th century Joseon more prosperous. His paintings of flowers and birds are characterized by splendid, delicate colors and elaborate descriptions that drew on Yun Shouping"s style. Shin Myeongyeon"s style is identical to that of Nam Gyewoo(1811~1890) of the same period; the latter also produced flower and butterfly paintings. Through his new and varied paintings of flowers and birds, including elegant, light-colored paintings of refined brushwork, Shin Myeongyeon exemplified the aesthetic sense of the scholar-gentleman of 19th century Joseon. On the other hand, many of his landscape paintings are fangzuo(倣作) works. When producing such works, he recorded the original artists"names and the titles of their paint-ings on them, providing clear evidence of his profound knowledge of Chinese painting. The imitations as well as the regular landscape paintings of Shin Myeongyeon revealed both the style of the Orthodox School of the Qing Dynasty, which demonstrates that he had been affected by the style of landscape painting prevalent in Beijing at that time. As for his paintings of the Four Gentleman, it was Luo Pin(1733~1799) of the Yangzhou School of painting who exerted an influence upon his plum blossom paintings. Besides the paintings of the Four Gentleman, in which he sought the xieyi and the beauty of calligraphic brushwork, he also created paintings of oddly shaped stones. By choosing red and white plum blossoms for his paintings of plum blossoms, and a single standing rock for his paintings of oddly shaped stones, he exhibited all the new trends of painting of the Late Joseon Dynasty. Furthermore, he had frequently drawn portrait paintings since his childhood, particularly those of the Chinese style. His paintings of beautiful women were influenced by works p..

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  6. [국내논문]   조선후기 서양화풍 초상화와 유가적 自我  

    정석범
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 167 - 202 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    The portrait is a genre that recreates a specific individual image, and it naturally reflects not only the outer characteristics and aesthetic viewpoint of the subject but also certain inner characteristics such as how the society in which the portrait was drawn views humanity. Therefore, it is indispensable to have a correct understanding of individuality. However, it is not an exaggeration to state that explanations of individuality in East Asian Confucian society are direly lacking. Terminologies that we customarily use such as“self”(“moi”in French) or “individual”(“individu”in French) are words loaned from western philosophical concepts signifying “an existence as a subject of perception, desire, and action which is separate from the external world or other human beings”or “a human being as an individuality that is irreplaceable with others.”Such meanings, however, are remote from the individuality of traditional East Asian society and that has been a cause of incomplete understanding of traditional portraits. Originally, the Confucian self was an active being with moral autonomy and the ability to judge appropriate patterns of behavior in each of the five cardinal relations(五倫): the parent-child, ruler-subject, husband-wife, old-young, and fiend-friend human relationships. However, as Confucianism became politically ideologized during the Han Dynasty and filial piety(孝) became known as the supreme value, the active individual self became submerged into a hierarchy of family ethics centered on the head of the family. Nevertheless, in spite of such a regression of individual autonomy, the Confucian individual can still be said to be a relational being that actively chose and carried out roles proper to the self within the horizontal relationship network of the five cardinal relations and the vertical[hierarchical] relationship network of the four classes(四民). The East Asian Confucian society based on these five cardinal relations and such a status system began to show political, social, and economic contradictions during the 16 th and 17 th centuries. In China, the desire to reform the irrational reality was expressed as a new current of neo-Confucianism, namely the doctrines of Wang Yangming(陽明學), which affirmed human desires and individuality, and that led to increased interest in the physical world. In the case of the Joseon Dynasty, studies on governing and applied scholarship were carried out mainly by the out-of-power Confucianists who rebelled against the unreality of existing neo-Confucianism and the failure of its policies. The resulting emphasis on the physical aspects of the Universe in the Late Ming Dynasty in China and the Late Joseon Dynasty in Korea also caused a transformation in the characteristics of the traditional Confucian individual. The traditional Confucian human being that endeavored to become an ideal person, a “man of virtue”(君子), through the cultivation of oneself as a relational being located within the network of the five cardinal relations and status-based relations, now became replaced by a realistic human being pursuing perfection of character within the concrete activities of everyday life. Such inner changes in Confucianism, however, did not negate the foundations of Confucian society, which rested on the traditions of the five cardinal horizontal relations and status-based hierarchical relations. The traditional self built on relationships was maintained just the same, while only the method of reaching the Confucian individual"s ideal adulthood (becoming a man of virtue) had changed, shedding the abstract approach that had been the norm until then and following the new method of expressing that ideal within the concrete life of reality. The interest in reality influenced painting and created a tendency to emphasize realistic representation, and this showed most notably in por..

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  7. [국내논문]   明成皇后와 國母의 표상  

    권행가
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 203 - 230 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    The debate over the authenticity of Empress Myeongseong(1851~1895)"s portrait, which has been dragging on without any clear conclusion since the 1990"s, is not simply an issue of discovering what she originally looked like. Deeply seated beneath these debates are intense feelings of nationalism and a consciousness of having been victimized that call for a recovery of the last Empress of the Joseon Dynasty, whose assassination by Japan had previously been kept a dark secret. However, in order for the debate on its authenticity to become productive, the mechanism of how portrait photographs were made during the era when her image was made, namely the 1890"s, needs to be examined. The issue at hand is not which photograph is real, but rather, why the problem of authenticity of the Empress"s portrait has arisen, and how the model image of the Empress kept being reproduced regardless of whether it was truly her or not. This paper aims to investigate how the politics of Empress Myeongseong"s representation was applied to the formation process of the modern period"s gender order through the images of the Empress produced in the visual medium from the 1890"s to the present. Today, there is no photograph of Empress Myeongseong which has been authenticated. The reality of one photograph taken sometime between the mid 1890"s and the Russo-Japanese War being reproduced through such things as lithographs, photograph printing, postcards, and photograph albums and then presented as the Empress, or a court lady of Joseon, reveals the commercialization of Joseon photographs and the male-centric representation custom. In particular, the royal photographs that focused on the king and the prince show that, although Empress Myeongseong had actively taken part in politics, she could not overcome the custom of portrait representation that focused on the tradition of the paternal lineage. Empress Myeongseong was viewed as both a "wicked woman who ultimately destroyed the country"by pushing herself into the public sphere called politics, and as the "mother of the nation who symbolized her people"s suffering."These two incompatible images were formed by Japan and Joseon around the time of her assassination in 1895. The image of the Empress as a wicked woman who destroyed her country, drawn in the popular wood print Nishikie(錦繪) during the Meji period, was intimately connected to the gender-conscious public discourse of the Japan of the Meji period. On the other hand, during the time of the Japanese occupation and after Korea"s liberation, the process of rebirth of her image from that of a dangerous woman to that of a symbol of her people"s suffering, and subsequent transformation into a Korean Joan of Arc after the 1990"s, is closely tied not only to a certain viewpoint of Japanese colonial history but also to a family discourse within Korea that has internalized a strong national ideology. In this, her image can be considered as an example or model of an image of women created through concealment, exclusion, and imagination in the process of modern gender order acquisition.

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  8. [국내논문]   조선중기 지방백자 연구  

    최윤정
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 231 - 266 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This paper seeks to establish a chronology of the production period of local porcelains from the mid-Joseon dynasty based on a stylistic analysis of their forms, and examines the distinct features and changes according to the production periods of local porcelains. Mid-Joseon was a transitional period in which porcelain works displayed features of the preceding and subsequent periods. As such, it is the most suitable period from which to attempt an understanding of the development of local porcelains of the Joseon dynasty. The local porcelains have not been unveiled until today, as previous studies tended to focus on porcelains produced for the Royal Court and the government. Scholars are, however, now increasing their investigations of local porcelains, whose production sites have been found in considerable numbers throughout the country, including the abundant remains of kilns. Studies of local porcelains enable researchers to suggest a balanced perspective of the history of Joseon porcelain and ascertain the correct positioning of local porcelain. The kiln sites that produced mid-Joseon local porcelain, identified by excavations and surface surveys, are evenly distributed throughout the nation. In that period, many kinds of wares had been destroyed during the Imjin Waeran (Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592) and the Byeongja Horan (invasion of Korea by the Ching dynasty in 1636) and the demand for porcelains increased it gradually replacing metal wares. Furthermore, as the commercial population grew so did the production and circulation of the porcelain. It is believed that local porcelain kilns outnumbered royal ones because of the short operation period of local kilns. In this paper, porcelain wares from eleven local kilns, whose reports had already been published, are examined, and stylistic analyses of various forms, including large bowls (沙鉢), medium-sized bowls (大楪), dishes (楪匙) and small bowls (盞) are conducted, accounting for more than 96% of all the porcelain wares. The analises were conducted based on the contours of the objects"outer wall, the shape of the rim, the presence of an inner bottom circle and its sizes, and the shapes of the foot. Firstly, of the large, medium, and small bowls and the dishes, the most commonly occurring style of each form were named the "major form"while the other forms were grouped as the "minor form."The "major form"represents the general form of the contemporary porcelain produced by the kilns. The "minor form"is either a "transitional form,"which is reminiscent if the forms from the preceding period, or a newly developed form, or "indicator form."Local kilns with a similar "major form"are grouped into three Periods: An "indicator form"such as the dish with a flat rim of Period Ⅰ, dish-3 with a straight rim sharply edging outfrom the upper body of Period Ⅱ, and the ritual dish of Period Ⅲ could serve as significant references in attempting to determine the operating period of the kilns. Local porcelains decorated with an iron-brown and cobalt blue under-glaze have only been unearthed from the kilns of Periods Ⅱ and Ⅲ. It appears that the development of local porcelains began with undecorated pure white porcelain and later developed into porcelain featuring an iron-brown and cobalt-blue under-glaze paintings. In the mid- Joseon dynasty, porcelain with an iron-brown under-glaze decoration prevailed throughout the country. Its designs reflected regional characteristics, wit the designs found amongst the adjacent kilns showing a close resemblance. Through comparative investigations with the royal porcelains and other dated remains, this study established the following production periods: Period Ⅰ - late sixteenth to mid-seventeenth centuries; Period Ⅱ - mid-seventeenth to early eighteenth centuries; and Period Ⅲ - early eig..

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  9. [국내논문]   龍門寺 輪藏臺 硏究  

    최영숙
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 267 - 294 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    The purpose of this study is to analyze the origin, structure and shape of the Yunjangdae(Rotating-sutras-column) at Yongmun-sa Temple. A pair of Yunjangdae are placed inside the Daejang-jeon(Great Sutra Hall) at Yongmun-sa in Yecheon, North Kyeongsang Province of Korea. They are the only remaining example in Korea keeping the traditional structure of Yunjangdae. Generally, Yunjangdae, which is not mentioned in any sutra, is a wooden structure of sutra-shelves that can be rotated. However, many Buddhists in China, Japan, and in Southeast Asia, as well as in Korea, believed that pushing the Yunjangdae through one complete rotation is equivalent to reading through the whole text of sutra. According to historical records, the Yunjangdae was invented as a tool of propagating Buddhist teachings during the Liang Dynasty in China and became popular in later Song Dynasty. The Yunjangdae was brought to Korea during the Goryeo Dynasty at a time of active cultural exchanges between the Song China and Goryeo. They were constructed in a large scale temples during the Goryeo Dunasty, such as the case in Yongmun-sa. The Yunjangdae at Yongmun-sa was built in 1173, and was restored in 1621. But most of the Yunjangdae that were built dunring the Goryeo period were destroyed in a wave of anti-Buddhism policy in early Joseon Dynasty and also during a series of wars in the later Joseon. Only the Yunjangdae at Yongmun-sa remains today. The most important characteristic of the Yunjangdae is that it consists of a rotating structure with a central column between the base and the roof that acts as a rotating axis. According to experts, the base and rotating axis appear to be the original. The external designs, such as the wooden brackets, guard-rails, and doors were modified with 17th century patterns, in keeping with the original shape. The artist who designed the Yunjangdae at Yongmun-sa seems to have applied the“ yin”(陰)“- yang”(陽) concept in his design. Even though it is small, it seems that the Yunjangdae at Yongmun-sa is an example of a larger architectural construction. It is an excellent work, thanks to its delicate and beautiful details, which follow the design principles of traditional wooden architecture. The thrust of this research is based mainly on an architectural concept. Further investigation of the Yunjangdae, based on Buddhist texts and practice is needed in the future.

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  10. [국내논문]   洪陵과 裕陵의 석물조각  

    김이순
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2007 no.21 = no.21 ,pp. 295 - 328 , 2007 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Located in Geumgok, Gyeonggi Province, Hongneung and Yureung, the “Imperial Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty”were built in the style of Chinese imperial tombs while concurrently inheriting the characteristiocs of royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty. Hongneung was constructed in 1919 as the tomb of King Gojong (r. 1863~1907), and Yureung was built in 1926 for King Sunjong (r. 1907~1910), the last king of Joseon Dynasty. Both of the tomb sculpture are similar in type and placement, but differ greatly in their represented styles. The construction of Hongneung was started by Gojong himself to move his wife"s tomb to the present Hongneung site, and it was completed after his death. Throughout the process, the builders responsible for the construction changed, and the detailed accounts of the stone sculptures were lost. What is certain is that it was Gojong who adopted the building principles of the imperial tomb. When it comes to documentation of Yureung, there is the Record of the Office of King Sunjong"s Tomb. The record, however, is of no great help in understanding the tomb sculpture since the record itself is very short, and it was compiled before the tomb sculpture was completed. The stone sculptures of Hongneung and Yureung constitute an important research subject from the perspective of art history. It is true that information about the stone objects is hard to find: the remaining pictures of them are different from the existing sculptures in terms of their size and shape. There is also no defining data when they were made and who participated in the manufacturing process, which is the information that can be easily identified in the case of other traditional royal tombs of Joseon Dynasty. Historic documents on the two tombs are scarce since they were constructed during a tumultuous period of Korean history. But they are worth studying for the same reason that Yureung and Hongneung have considerable historical significance since they were built at pivotal turning points in Korean history; namely the start of the Daehan Jeguk(Great Han Empire) and the period of Japanese colonial rule respectively. Based on field studies and the remaining records of Hongneung and Yureung, such as the Record of the Office of Royal Tombs, the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, and various news paper articles, this thesis looks into the following questions: first, when were the stone sculptures of the two tombs made?; second, how did Gojong design the “Imperial Tomb of the Joseon Dynasty”and what was his motive for this?; and third, what lies behind the realistic style of the stone sculptures of Yureung? King Gojong accepted the building principles of Chinese imperial tombs for the purpose of strengthening his royal power. At the same time, the 27th monarch of the Joseon Dynasty tried to maintain the characteristic features of traditional royal tombs. Stone sculptures in Hongneung have much in common with those in Jangneung of King Injo (Joseon"s 16th monarch), Yungneung of Prince Sado (the second son of King Yeongjo), and Geolleung of King Jeongjo (Joseon"s 22nd monarch). The similarity is interpreted as reflecting his desire to weaken the power of his royal relatives who made troubles during the reigns of the three preceding kings, and to restore the authority of the king, which had been strong during the reigns of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo. Plus, Gojong was the actual successor to King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo because he was adopted by King Ikjong and Queen Sinjeong. The tomb structure of Yureung is modeled after that of Hongneung. What is notable is that the stone sculptures, human statues and animals along the sides of the spirit road in front of the bedchamber, are remarkably realistic and sophisticated compared to those at Hongneung. The stone sculptures of Yureung were based on a design by a Japanese sculptor Aiba Hikojiro, and it took more than one year to..

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