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미술사연구 = Journal of art history 13건

  1. [국내논문]   中國四川省成都출토 梁代碑像側面의 神將像고찰  

    金理那
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 7 - 26 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Since the discovery of Buddhist steles from the Liang Dynasty in Chengdu, Sichuan Province in the 1950s, they have frequently been described as representative Buddhist sculptures of the Southern Dynasties, mostly from the Liang Dynasty in the sixth century. These sculptures from Chengdu in particular drew my attention as they feature two standing Buddha images with inscriptions stating that they were made after an image made by King Ashoka of India. The famous sixteen-foot image cast for the Hwangnyongsa temple in Gyeongju in the late sixth century was also known to be modeled after the legendary Buddha image believed to have been sent by King Ashoka. Another important feature of the Liang Dynasty steles is the presence of bodhisattava images holding round attributes with both hands, which I have connected the type as an iconographical model for the Baekje bodhisattvas holding a round jewel with both hands, often called Bongboju bosal (捧寶珠菩薩). Some of these Chengdu steles have been exhibited in recent years in Japan and in the USA, but the exhibition catalogues mostly show only the frontal or rear views of the steles, and not the images on their two sides. Some of them have been illustrated in Chinese publications but the plates are mistakenly identified to a wrong stele. So the purpose of this article is to observe six representative steles whose side figures are grouped mostly into three types of guardians. And this grouping also coincides with the figures on four other steles described in Chinese articles in Wenwu. By observing them, one can find very interesting types unique to these Chengdu steles. Guardian Type 1 This guardian type 1, which I categorize as shenwang (神王), is characterized by a guardian holding a long rod with its lower part shaped with an uneven surface. The image generally wears a shawl over the shoulders which is tied in front and a short skirt. Sometimes the image stands with one leg relaxed. The stele, one from Wanfosi dated 525 (pl. 2-2) and another one from Xi'an road dated 545 (pl. 5-3) belong to this type. Two more steles discovered in the business district of Chengdu, now in the Sichuan Provincial Museum, and two more in the Sichuan University Museum, are also reported to have this type of guardian. Guardian Type 2 Type 2 guardian, which I categorize as tianwang (天王), wears a suit of armor of a half coat with a high-necked collar, together with a rather high headdress. The type is represented both in standing pose and in half-seated pose. The standing one holds a long sword clasped in both hands, a feature similar to directional guardians (pl. 3-2, 3-3, 6-3). The seated guardian with one leg down holds its hands in a praying gesture (pl. 1-2). Guardian Type 3 This type 3 guardian looks very unusual, since it seems to have curly hair, two round, bulging eyes and again holds a long, baton-like stick similar to that seen in type I guardian(pl. 4-2, 4-3). It may belong to the same type as type I but the stele which has this figure on its sides mentions in its inscription that among many figures it has tianyoushen (天遊神), which I believe refers to this figure. While major categories can be largely divided into three, there are still similar types of guardian to type I but they are smaller and are represented on the rear side of the stele, often on either side of the space for the inscription. One interesting observation can be made regarding the type 2 guardian. An independent guardian statue was also discovered at the Wanfosi temple site (pl. 7). The statue also wears a suit of armor with high-necked collar and a skirt similar to the type 2, called tianwang. What is more intriguing is the similarity between these Liang Dynasty guardians and the Japanese four wooden directional guardians in the Golden Hall of the Horyuji temple in Nara (pl. 8). These Horyuji guardia..

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  2. [국내논문]   此岸과 彼岸의 만남 - 敦煌 莫高窟의 〈西方淨土變〉에 보이는 건축 표현에 대한 一考  

    金惠瑗
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 27 - 54 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    This essay explores the architectural depictions in the Western Paradise scenes preserved in the murals of the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang. While architectural historians has long noticed and discussed the impressive representation of architecture in various Pure Land scenes, it was not a main issue among the scholars in the field of Buddhist art and iconography. In order to understand the Buddhist context of the motif that has been largely neglected, the present discussion focuses on its depictions in the Western Paradise scenes, which was the most popular Pure Land theme with grandiose architectural background among the Dunhuang murals. The first part of the essay outlines the main features of the Western Paradise scenes including the textual sources, types, and architectural depictions during the Early Tang (618-712) and the High Tang (712-781). The second part discusses the relation between the architectural depiction in the Western Paradise scenes and the actual architecture presumed to have existed in contemporary monasteries and palaces. As mentioned in previous scholarship, the actual architecture served as an important source for the representation of the architecture in the fictitious world of the Western Paradise. However, it is argued that when comparing the reconstruction of the monastery and the palace buildings based on the historical texts and archaeological excavations with the architectural background in the Western Paradise murals, it is unlikely the buildings represented in the murals were exact reproduction of the actual architecture. Rather, they were fabricated images formulated by means of combining various architectural elements and building types in order to create the ideal space of the Western Paradise. The third part looks into the relation between the Pure Land Sutras and the architectural elements in the Western Paradise scenes. The examination of the sutras reveals that the section referred to “Contemplation of the Jeweled Pavilion”in the Guan wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽經(Sutra on the Contemplation of the Buddha of Measureless Life, hereafter “Contemplation Sutra”) is distinguished from many other relevant phrases that simply mention building types such as lecture hall, pavilion, and monastery in that it gives a rather long explanation and is related to the practice of contemplating on the Western Paradise. Its significance in the visualization of the architectural space in the murals is evinced by the fact that the pavilion is the major building type when the architectural setting begins to appear in the Western Paradise scenes. Based on this observation, a new problem is proposed in the last part of the essay. It discusses the way in which the Western Paradise scenes in the Mogao Caves have been identified in relation to the Contemplation Sutra and the other two Pure Land Sutra of Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經(The Longer Sutra) and Amituo jing 阿彌陀經(The Shorter Sutra). If the Contemplation Sutra was an important sutra in the visualization of the Western Paradise in the forms of relief sculptures and paintings, as argued by this article and also other scholars in different contexts, the popular distinction between the “Contemplation Sutra Illustration”and the Western Paradise scenes with no relevance to the Contemplation Sutra appears misleading and incorrect. In this sense, it seems that a more comprehensive discussion on this problem should be made in the future.

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  3. [국내논문]   石佛寺 圖像考  

    裵珍達
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 55 - 72 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Seokbulsa cave temple has a distinctive meaning that its name “seokbul,”itself refers to the “stone Buddha.”Structure of the Seokbulsa cave temple is distinguished from the Indian and Chinese grottos, that its main sanctuary has a domed ceiling and is round in its plan and that the cave is composed of forty Buddhist images including the main Buddha, bodhisattvas, bhikshus, Four Heavenly Kings, Vajrapanis and Eight Parivaras. The iconographic origin of the main Buddha of Seokbulsa temple goes back to the Buddha of Enlightenment at Mahabodhi Temple in Bodhgaya, India. However, the meaning of the Enlightened Buddha was interpreted anew by Unified Silla Avatamsaka practitioners like Monks Uisang and Pyohun in their view of the concept of the Buddha. They understood that the Enlightened Buddha at Bodhgaya is Sakyamuni, and his preaching just after his enlightenment, while in his Samadhi, was the Avatamsaka sutra. It is, further, perceived that the principal preacher of the Avatamsaka sutra is recognized as the emanated body of “Ten Buddhas.”Therefore, the main Buddha of Seokbulsa cave temple is Sakyamuni as well as the Buddha who preached the teaching of the Avatamsaska sutra at the same time. The main Buddha as symbolic form of Ten Buddhas, ten bodhisattva figures in the upper niches on the walls of the main sancuary, and ten bhikshu images in Seokbulsa cave temple originate from the sutras such as the Sutra of the Past and the Present Karma(過去現在因果經) which describes about the life of Sakyamuni. In other words, when reviewing the life of Sakyamuni, born as Prince Gautama Siddhartha, then an enlightened Buddha, one can realize that the Prince has become the Buddha by passing through the stages of becoming a bhikshu to the bodhisattvahood. Therefore, the composition of bhikshu, bodhisattva, and Buddha in the Seokbulsa cave temple represents the process of Sakyamuni's practice in achieving Enlightenment. Although these Buddhist figures find their iconographic origins in the journey of the historic Sakyamuni, I came to understand that they were reinterpreted within the belief and the teaching of Avatamsaka in Silla. As they are related to the number “ten,”to which Avatamsaka sutra practitioners of Uisang's followers had given much attention to the main Buddha Sakyamuni in the context of the concept of the Ten Buddhas in the teaching of the Avatamsaka sutra. The ten bodhisattvas enshrined in the niches above on the wall are likely to be a combination of the images from the Vimalakirti sutra and the concept of eight great bodhisattvas. The eight great bodhisattvas in Seokbulsa cave temple are believed to be derived from the Sutra of the Monadala of Eight Great Bodhisattvas(八大菩薩曼茶羅經). From the perspective of the Mandala, the eight boddhisattvas presently remaining in Seokbulsa cave temple are Vimalakirti(維摩居士), Manjusri(文殊菩薩) from the assembly of the Vimalakirti sutra, and the rest six figures are from the Eight Great Boddhisattvas. It is assumed that the two missing boddhisattvas are Sarvanivaranaviskambhin(除盖障菩薩) and Akasagarbha(虛空藏菩薩). I suggest that, they are placed in the niches in the following clockwise order; Manjusri from the scene of the Vimalakirti debate, Ksitigarbha(地藏菩薩), Avalokitesvara(觀音菩薩), Mitreya(彌勒菩薩) and Akasagarbha (missing). Then passing over the nimbus of the image eleven-headed Avalokitesvara are Samantabhadra(普賢菩薩), Vajarapani Bodhisattva(金剛手菩薩), Manjusri, Sarvanivaranaviskambhin and Vimalakirti. Unlike the majority of the temples of the Unified Silla in the eighth century were constructed on level ground or on the slope of a hill, the Seokbulsa cave temple was built near the summit of the Mt. Toham. And as if to prove that it was modeled after the Buddha of Enlightenment at the Mahabodhi Temple, the sunrise from the east lights up the face of the main Buddha on the day of Sakyamuni's enlightenme..

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  4. [국내논문]   鳳停寺에 관한 諸問題  

    林南壽
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 73 - 92 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Bongjeongsa Temple(鳳停寺), located in Mount Cheondeungsan in Andong City, North Gyeongsang Province, is widely known as a prominently old Korean temple. However, with regard to the most basic matters of the temple's history, including its establishment, characteristics of its Hall of Paradise(Geungnakjeon 極樂殿), and the Buddhist statues in the temple have not yet been deeply examined. I recently investigated the method of making a wooden seated Avalokitesvara at Bongjeongsa Temple using the X-Ray equipment. In the process of studying related materials, I had a chance to examine the historical background on the foundation of the temple, its reconstruction, and the actual date of the seated image of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. In this paper, the foundation of Bongjeongsa Temple and the characteristics of its Geungnakjeon Hall considered by examining various documents relevant to the temple, and the problem of the year when the seated Avalokitesvara was created will be discussed. First, the founder of Bongjeongsa Temple was Priest Neungin(能仁) as recorded in the document written on ridge-beam of the building(sangryangmun上樑文). But due to the fact that he was a disciple of Uisang(義湘), a famous priest from the Unified Silla Dynasty in the late seventh century, a process could be observed in which the successive generations embellished the story and began to identify Uisang as the founder of the temple. Second, the “prayer(願文)”on seated Avalokitesvara and the writings on the rectangular-shaped panel hung in the hall(hyeonpan 懸板) were examined, and some differences in the two records are noted. It seems that this was due to the difference in the purpose and the period of the writings. From that observation the Bodhisattva statue is supposed to have been made during the reign of Chengan(承安, 1196-1200). Third, Hall of Paradise could be traced back to the Goryeo Dynasty, during which time it was used as a Buddhist temple, and then because the complete collection of all the sacred writings of Buddhism was placed there in the early Joseon Dynasty, it was called Great Hall of Sutras(Daejangjeon 大藏殿) until the late Joseon Dynasty. However, perhaps because the collection of sacred writings were scattered and lost in later generations, the hall was identified as Geuklakjeon Hall in the nineteenth century. Fourth, a comprehensive overview of the documentary records shows that Bongjeongsa Temple carried out the construction of a large Buddhist temple for about a decade during the reign of King Gongmin(恭愍王, re. 1351-1374). It seems that the temple received patronage from the royal family due to the services it rendered during the time when King Gongmin had to take refuge in Andong, thus the major part of today's Bongjeongsa Temple was established by renovating the old structures of the temple, including the construction of its main building.

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  5. [국내논문]   龍門寺 木造阿彌陀如來坐像의 특징과 願文 분석  

    鄭恩雨
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 93 - 116 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    A wooden figure of a seated Amitabha Buddha in the Hall of the Universal Illuminator (Bogwangmyeongjeon 寶光明殿), of Yongmunsa temple in Yecheon, North Gyeongsang Province is 89.6cm tall, and is dated to 1515 according to the votive inscription. The figure originally formed a part of a triad, but today only the Amitabha Buddha remains. It is characterized by the large and long eyes and also by the convex modeling of its voluminous face. The drapery folds over the entire body, giving it a soft and natural appearance, and the protruding legs and feet add to the voluminous and vivid form in full. These characteristic features contrast with the plain and smooth body and simplified rendition of the garment of the Buddhist images in the latter half of the sixteenth century. The votive inscription found inside of the image records the production year, hundreds of donors, as well as the names of the court painters (hwawon 畵員), carpenters (moksu 木手) and iron artisans (cheoljang 鐵匠). From the names and official titles of the donors, such as caretaker (chambong 參奉), noksa (錄事), yuhak (幼學), one can verify that the temple was constructed both by influential figures and the ordinary populace of the region, and it is further worth noting that the names of artisans were indicated in the votive as below: Top court painter Yi Yeong-mun, Court painter Won Choeng, carpenter Sa Un, iron artisan Jeong Yeong-san 上畵員李永文」畵員淸」木手思云」鐵匠鄭迎山 The title “hwawon”is a term that refers to artisans who belonged to the Royal Bureau of Painting (Dohwaseo 圖畵署), and it was also in the votive inscription of the Buddha image at Gyeonseongam (見性庵) dated 1456 and also in the wooden seated Buddha figure of Heukseoksa temple (黑石寺) that the term first appeared in Buddhist images. The two Buddhist images were both made by order of the royal court. The term “hwawon,”which was first used in the fifteenth century, began to be widely used for the Buddhist images offered by the local and common people in the sixteenth century, and after the seventeenth century, it became a synonym for artisans, regardless of the art genres such as painting and sculpture. It is another characteristic of the sixteenth century that the duties of artisans such as hwawon,moksu , and cheoljang were subdivided. In the votive inscription of the seated wooden Buddha in Heukseoksa temple dated 1458, the term “hwawon”was first used along with the other terms of subdivided artisans in accordance with their duties: namely, millstone maker (majojang 磨造匠), gold leaf maker (geumbakjang 金箔匠) and gold leaf maker (bugeumjang 付金匠). I believe that this is related to the compilation of National Administration Code (Gyeonggukdaejeon 經國大典). Furthermore, this is also associated with breaking up the government system of handicraft manufacturing and the unified system of referring to hwawon.

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  6. [국내논문]   高麗末 朝鮮初 四天王圖像 硏究  

    李承禧
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 117 - 150 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    The Four Directional Guardians (四天王) that protect Buddhist Law were carved in relief on the sides of pagodas, architectural structures or were made into sculptures. And in Buddhist paintings such as the Assembly of Sakyamuni Preaching at Vulture Peak (靈山會相圖), Paradise of the Amitabha Buddha (阿彌陀佛繪圖), Kshitigarbha and Ten Kings of Hell (地藏十王圖), and the Illustration of Descended Maitreya Buddha Preaching (彌勒下生變相圖), they appear either as sinjung (神衆, literally “host of divine beings”) who protect the Buddhist assembly of the Dharma preaching, or as cheonsin (天神, heavenly gods) who listen to the sermon on the Dharma. The Four Directional Guardians continued to appear on numerous Buddhist monuments and paintings since the Unified Silla dynasty until today, but also underwent some iconographic changes. While one can effectively identify the Four Directional Guardians in threedimensional space in accordance with the four directions to which they belong, a different rule of arrangement should be applied in the depiction on two-dimensional plane like a painting. In painting, the guardians have always been arranged in an established format except during the period of the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties. Considering that the format, in which the images of the east and west, and those of the north and south were symmetrically positioned on either side of the main Buddha, is a standard one, the principles of the arrangement can be categorized into two types. The first type-A is which the guardian of the north is turned toward the left side, and type-B is which the guardian of the north is turned toward the right side. The former type-A arrangement of the Four Directional Guardians was applied in the Unified Silla until the late Goryeo period, while the latter type-B appeared in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties and is still continued until present time. It is worth noting, as aforementioned, that the arrangement of the Four Directional Guardians underwent some changes in the late Goryeo and early Joseon dynasties, and it is surmised that the cause of the change was due to the introduction of woodblock prints of Saddharmapundarika Sutra in the late Goryeo period from the Hangzhou region of the Southern Song dynasty. Most of the depictions of the Four Directional Guardians in the late Goryeo period follow the traditional style, suited in armor, holding attributes such as a pagoda, a sword, bows, etc., after the iconography established during the Tang and Song dynasties. However, a few other types are also found to have been influenced by the iconography of the Four Directional Guardians of the Tibetan Buddhism. The Four Directional Guardians on the gilt-bronze portable shrine in the National Museum of Korea, and on the pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa temple dating from the late Goryeo, and those on the pagoda of the Wongaksa temple of early Joseon feature traditional elements of Goryeo's Four Directional Guardians, but some changes are noticed in the posture of holding the sword in a slanted position and in a guardian playing a lute. These iconographic changes find their prototypes in the images of the Four Directional Guardians of Tibetan Buddhist art, and I believe that it was introduced to Goryeo along with the exchanges between the Mongol Yuan and Goryeo Courts during the period of the Yuan interference in the Goryeo. The more definite source of the iconography of the Tibetan Buddhist iconography of the Four Directional Guardians is the imperial woodblock prints of the early Ming dynasty. Since it is recorded in history that the Ming Emperor ordered a hundred books of Songs Adoring Various Buddhist Images (諸佛如來菩薩名稱歌曲) to be presenedt to Goryeo Court in 1417, and also the existence of a woodblock version of Saddharmapundarika Sutra commissioned by Lady Shin, the wife of the Royal Prince Gwangpyeong in 1459, I came to understand that, the standard ..

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  7. [국내논문]   朝鮮前期 金線描阿彌陀三尊圖一例  

    鄭于澤
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 151 - 168 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Many Buddhist paintings in the first half of the Joseon dynasty have been introduced and examined, but there are still many aspects that need to be clarified, such as offering prayers, styles, iconography and so on. This work, drawn with only gold pigment line on red silk, came to hand from Japan and is now owned by a private collector in Korea. This painting is a very significant work because it is not only one of a few gold line-drawing Buddhist paintings known, but also in terms of the study in Buddhist paintings made in the first half of the Joseon dynasty. This work of the Amitabha Triad was painted in 1581, the fourteenth year of King Seonjo of the Joseon dynasty (the ninth year of the Wanli reign in China). Although it is relatively small in size, 49.4×33.4㎝, it is in very good condition. It is outstanding in the depiction that the configuration of all the motifs is appropriately balanced and organic, and the drawing lines in gold pigment are very fine and stable. By this time in the sixteenth century, Buddhist paintings were classified into the works commissioned by the court and by the common people, because the styles of paintings and materials varied greatly according to the needs of the patrons who commissioned them. For example, paintings done for the courts used silk cloths and gold pigment, but those by the common people used hemp cloths done in ocher and white colors. However, this work under discussion was commissioned by a commoner and is painted with gold pigment on silk of a very excellent quality. Therefore, I think it is necessary to revise some of the interpretations in understanding the Buddhist paintings from the first half of the Joseon dynasty. Accordingly, from now on, Buddhist paintings of the first half of the Joseon dynasty should be thoroughly considered according to the social status of the commissioning donors and the sphere of the activities of the painters in the Royal Bureau of Painting (dohwaseo 圖畵署) and painters working for the paintings patronized by the Court donors, beyond the assumption that there was a two types of Buddhist paintings commissioned by the court and common people.

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  8. [국내논문]   漕運과 도자생산, 그리고 유통 - 海底引揚 고려도자를 중심으로  

    張南原
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 169 - 198 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Ceramics have for centuries been transported by maritime routes, in general, via sea or rivers. Not surprisingly, therefore, numerous wrecks of ships used for transporting ceramics are being recovered from the “maritime silk roads”of China, Japan, the Southeast Asia, Europe, Africa and as well as Korea. There have been 14 underwater excavations, including “Sinan”and other underwater researches. In recent years, tens of thousands of ceramics of the Goryeo dynasty have been recovered from the seacoasts of the southwestern part of Korea, providing new materials for the study of the history of Korean ceramics. Moreover, the metal artifacts and mokgan (木簡, wooden tablets) that were found with the ceramics yield diverse information on the types and shapes of ceramics, as well as shipboard life and ceramic distribution. According to the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea, 50% of the reported underwater wreckages in Korea's seas are from the Goryeo dynasty and celadon comprises a large part of it. This indicates that the marine transportation was the most prevalent transportation method for ceramics in the Goryeo dynasty. There were approximately 260 so (所, artifact manufacturing places), and more than a half of them were concentrated in Jeolla and Chungcheong Provinces, with the most accessible geographical condition to ship artifacts to Gaegyeong and Namgyeong where the demand for such goods was very high. Since the most appropriate means to transport large quantities of goods in the Goryeo period was through marine shipping, tributes were collected into 13 chang (倉, entrepots), 11 of which were in the southwestern shore of Korea and two inland, and they were regularly loaded. Therefore, one can verify the close links between the relocation of celadon and porcelain kilns to the southwestern part of Korea from Gaegyeong, once the central ceramic production area in the early Goryeo dynasty, and the taxation system and its national control. Furthermore, I believe that this is also closely interrelated to the production of celadon and its transportation. In other words, by the late tenth and eleventh centuries when the Goryeo's central government and taxation system were established, celadon kilns in the southwestern part that are also close to the marine transportation route, began to be vitalized. Large celadon production areas such as Haenam, Gangjin, Yeonggwang, Buan, and Boryeong happen to be also situated on the marine transportation routes. At that time, Gangjin and Buan were linked by the same marine transportation system, and they thus produced celadon at the same time and supplemented each other, although details may have differed in some formative ways. Celadon kilns were built in Gangjin prior to Buan, and until the end of Goryeo period the peripheral kilns were under the influence of Gangjin in technical and formative ways. Among them, Buan produced celadon under the official control centering on Yucheon-ri although it had not been named as so (所). Ceramics recovered from the underwater shipwrecks - in other words, those refloated in the process of distribution - are the ones that left the production area but had not yet reached the consumers. It is thus difficult to deduce either the producers or the consumers. This should be feasible only when further studies are carried out on producers, consumers, and the distribution process, and based on understanding of their mutual and organic relations one should be able to investigate the actual circumstances of production and consumption of Goryeo celadon.

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  9. [국내논문]   京畿道 廣州 官窯의 設置時期와 燔造官  

    田勝昌
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 199 - 218 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    It has long been of interest to many scholars to investigate the date of the establishment of the royal kiln in the Joseon Dynasty. Despite the profound interest in ascertaining this date, only hypotheses could be made from different perspectives, as there is neither an authentic historical record nor remains that allude to the date. It has been, hence, thought to be either in the fifteenth or in the sixteenth century. However, recently we have narrowed down the date to between 1467 and 1469 based on the interpretation and examination of historical records. There, however, still remains a possibility for another interpretation of the record suggesting a different date. This paper investigates the royal kiln in Gwangju during the early period of the Joseon Dynasty focusing on the time, name, and administrator of naesi (內侍) and beonjogwan (燔造官). After having examined the formerly asserted theories and problems concerning the date of the first-built royal kiln, I have concluded that the royal kiln was built in Gwangju in approximately June 1466. This deduction is based on the prohibition of government and private use of porcelain, the discontinuance of the existing tributary system, the strict control of kaolin producing areas, the supervision of related affairs by Gongjo (工曹), and the completion of the first stage of Gyeongguk- daejeon (經國大典, National Administration Code) compilation at this time. I also came to understand that the establishment of the royal kiln is closely related to the rapid changes in the numbers of local kilns. Additionally, I ascertained that the royal kiln in Gwangju during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were called sagiso (沙器所), and not bunwon (分院). It was also found that sagiso was supervised by the beonjogwan, but before the royal kiln was built the production of porcelains for the royal court was administered by naesi. This production system had already been in practice since the late Goryeo Dynasty, and it continued until the early Joseon Dynasty with no particular changes. Later in April 1467 nokgwan (祿官, paid official) was appointed to the Saongwon (司饔院). I, however, judged that the phrase “nokgwan was appointed for the first time”alone cannot verify that the royal kiln was built and begun its operation, presenting issues such as naesi, beonjogwan and wood market for the royal kiln to support my assertion. The establishment of the royal kiln led to significant changes in the ceramic history of the Joseon Dynasty. It laid a cornerstone in the royal kiln operations of the Joseon Dynasty whose systemic structure was organized by the state. Moreover, it served as a milestone in achieving a higher standard of porcelain culture through developing the royal court's whiteware, porcelain. This paper examines the establishment period of the first royal kiln and its administrator, and it aims to contribute to understanding and unveiling the identity of the royal kiln in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty.

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  10. [국내논문]   陳洪綬의 遺民意識과 〈何天章行樂圖〉  

    張俊九
    미술사연구 = Journal of art history 2008 no.22 = no.22 ,pp. 219 - 246 , 2008 , 1229-3326 ,

    초록

    Chen Hong-shou (陳洪綬, 1598-1652) was a late-Ming literati painter who made a significant contribution in establishing and reviving antiquarianism in figure paintings in the history of Chinese painting. Chen was an artist with diverse talents. He was a painter, a calligrapher of high-caliber, a famous illustrator for popular novels and romance, and a poet. Archaic and antiquarian thematic and pictorial styles formed the distinctive quality of Chen's works. Existing researches on Chen Hong-shou have not yet investigated several important issues, such as how his paintings were inter-related with his state of psychology or to his varied and complex life experiences as a Ming leftover loyalist. I believe that Chen was fundamentally an anguished drifter unsettling in between neither Ming nor Qing dynasty. Ho T'ien-chang in The Pleasure Outing of Ho T'ien-chang can be regarded as a symbol of the collective identity of leftover Ming intellectuals, who decided to become hermit scholars like Tao Yuan-ming. In this imaginary group portrait, Chen Hong-shou depicted the thwarted and conflict-ridden lives of left-over loyalties of Ming dynasty, including the painter himself. Chen represented the main subject of life and culture of his contemporary leftover intellectuals such as Ho T'ien-chang by portraying him as Tao Yuan-ming, a legendary hermit scholar whom Ming loyalists wished to associate themselves with. In The Pleasure Outing of Ho T'ien-chang appears Ho T'ien-chang, who lived in retirement out of suffering and conflict from the fall of his country. He sits tranquil in a quite surrounding, which represents the life of Ho T'ien-chang as a hermit scholar who received high-esteem from Ming loyalists. Large pine trees, bamboos, and Taihu rocks in the background symbolize the pure image of Ho T'ien-chang. The large pine trees extending their branches wide, the bamboos standing behind the pines and the Taihu rocks lying in the foreground all refer to the way of life of a nobleman who does not give up their spiritual nobleness even in perilous conditions. These objects are no mere sceneries. They were traditionally metaphors of unbent will and integrity of the noble men situated in the time of hardships, and they visually amplify Ho T'ien-chang who led his life with a clean and pure spirit despite the desolate reality. However, The Pleasure Outing of Ho T'ien-chang takes note of the tragic reality where such a literati intellectual with exceptional talent and nobleness like Ho T'ien-chang should end his life as a drifter and a hermit scholar. An almost inconspicuous chrysanthemum on the corner of the rock to the right side of Ho T'ien-chang in the painting implies the unfortunate lives of drifters as a visual metaphor. Among the drifting intellectuals, chrysanthemums have thus been regarded as a symbol of hardship and frustration of Ming leftover loyalists. By depicting the portrait of Ho T'ien-chang, Chen Hong-shou attached strong social significance and a high level of pictorial symbolism in The Pleasure Outing of Ho T'ienchang. From the outer appearance, the painting seems to have rendered the “pleasure outing”of Ho T'ien-chang, but it is a symbolical painting of Chen Hong-shou who represents the common “consciousness of Ming leftover”among Ming loyalists and the artist himself.

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