본문 바로가기
HOME> 저널/프로시딩 > 저널/프로시딩 검색상세

저널/프로시딩 상세정보

권호별목차 / 소장처보기

H : 소장처정보

T : 목차정보

美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history 18건

  1. [국내논문]   中國 法界像에 관한 硏究  

    河定旼
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 5 - 34 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    In China, there remains a group of Buddha images that have Mount Sumeru Buddhas, bodhisattvas, the six gatis and other small motifs depicted on their bodies or robes. In this article, this type of images is referred to as fajie xiang (法界像, Buddha of Dharmadhātu). This term indicates the image of Buddha that contains various elements of the world or cosmos in his divine body or robe, and the 'fajie" in this term indicates the entire world or cosmos. In previous scholarship, the iconography of fajie xiang was regarded to be either Vairocana Buddha as described in the Avatamsaka Sūira, or a cosmic manifestation of Sākyamuni Buddha. This article argues that the iconography of fajie xiang cannot be determined as one of the two interpretations, and that fajie xiang was first made to represent Śākyamuni Buddha and the iconography was later exploited for the images of Vairocana. Śākyamuni was a historic figure who lived and preached dharma as a human being. After his death, the followers of Buddhism wished to have other Buddhas, which resulted in the belief that numerous Buddhas existed in different places. At the same time, Buddhists sought after a universal Buddha who could encompass the numerous Buddhas of distinctive and limited qualities. In an attempt to solve this problem, there appeared a concept of śākyamuni as a transcendental being. However, as it was difficult to completely discard the human aspect of śākyamuni, the notion of transcendental Buddha was complemented by that of Lushena Buddha (盧舍那佛, Buddha Vairocana). which was related to the worship of sun and light. The concept of Lushena did not appear suddenly but was a result of gradual systematization of various ideas about śākyamuni as a cosmic Buddha rose during the development of Mahayana Buddhism. For the notion of transcendental śākyamuni developed into that of Lushena, it seems reasonable to assume that the iconography of fajie xiang. which was first made for the universal śākyamuni, also developed into that of Lushena. The notion of a god bearing the entire world in his body originated from the epic poem Mahābhārata dated to about the second century B.C. śākyamuni attained this quality already in the early stage of Buddhism. The image of śākyamuni as shown in fajie xiang is affirmed by the texts such as Lotus Sutra (法華經). Da fangbian fo baoen jing(大方便佛報恩經), Guan fo sanmei hai jing(觀佛三昧海經), Dasheng ben sheng xindi guan jing(大乘本生心地觀經). On the other hand, the relation between Lushena and fajie xiang is found in Avatamsaka Sūtra(華嚴經). There remains no Indian examples of fajie xiang, and it is plausible that the iconography was formulated in Central Asia or China. When considering the extant images, the making of fajie xiang is dated back to the sixth century. Some painted images are found in the murals of the cave shrines of Kizil and Dunhuang. In these sites, the images of fajie xiang appear as part of larger iconographic programs that aimed to glorify śākyamuni Buddha, and these examples thus can be regarded as śākyamuni Buddha. Additionally, there is a sculpted image of fajie xiang that represents śākyamuni, for the life of śākyamuni and jātaka are illustrated on the surface of the Buddha"s robe. It is in China proper that we find the images of fajie xiang as Lushena. The iconography is affirmed by the inscriptions of "Lushena". Although the iconography of fajie xiang was established in late sixth century, almost no images remain since then. The notion of Lushena was significant to Chinese Buddhists until the sixth century, but after the eighth century, Lushena Buddha

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  2. [국내논문]   南北朝時代 佛敎美術의 漢族 傳統  

    姜熺靜
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 35 - 56 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Sinicization in the Southern and Nothern Dynasties period is one of the most crucial issues in Chinese art history. It is widely admitted that Han (漢) people played a more important role than non-Han people in representing the Buddhist of this period. although most of examples remain in the territories of the Northern dynasties. It can not be easily decided who took the initiative in creation of Chinese Buddhist arts. It seems that the Buddhist art in this period was not heavily influenced by Indian models. Even if they borrowed the basic iconography, they could not be free from their own artistic tradition. This tradition can be traced back to the Han period, whose art formed the classical form and style in Chinese art. Some of the art motifs, such as dragon (龍), pushou (鋪首), lienli trees (連理木), in Han came into use in the Buddhist art in the Southern and Northern Dynasties. First of all, Chinese artisans used the dragon motifs instead of nāga. As many Buddhist monks translated the Sanskrit word for nāga into dragon in Chinese, they could easily borrow and use the dragon images from their traditional representation. The Chinese people in this period seems to imagine the reality of the Buddha from the dragon. At first, they used the dragon motif in the upper part of the niche. Afterward they added more Buddhist implications to the dragon motif. Some of the dragons were represented with lotus buds or flowers growing from their mouth. Moreover, men come out from the lotus out of the dragon in Lienhuadong (蓮華洞), in Longmen (龍門) Caves. It reminds us of the famous images of "Reborn in the western paradise from lotus (蓮華化生)". Another art motif borrowed from the Han tradition is pushou. Pushou was widely represented in ancient Chinese art for the purpose of chasing off all the evils. The Buddhist artisans thought the pushou would be helpful to protect the Buddhist world and it could prevent all the evil intruders. One can find the pushou images everywhere at Guyangdong (古陽洞) in Longmen. The Buddhists in the Eastern Wei (東魏) and the Northern Qi (北齊) also owed the ancient Confucianists for the symbolic motifs in their Buddhist arts. As the lienli tree motifs symbolized the Confucianists" loyalty to their emperors, the lienli tree halo behind the Siwei image (思惟像) in the Freer Gallery had the same meaning. At first the lienli tree halos were used for the Siwei images around the Hebei (河北) province. Then this motif were used more widely in other bodhisattva and Buddha images. One can explain it was a kind of the Buddhists "effort to show their loyalty, one of the most important values in Confucianism, to their emperors during the period of disorder. When the Buddhists used the traditional art motifs transmitted from Han China, they found a way to incorporate the Confucian symbolism and values into Buddhist art. Such a reconciliation led them to make a more substantial basis of sinicization in Tang(唐) Buddhist arts.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  3. [국내논문]   高麗時代 佛敎彫刻의 對宋關係  

    崔聖銀
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 49 - 73 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    This paper investigates the stylistic and iconographic influence of the Chinese Buddhist sculpture of the Song period on Koryo Buddhist sculpture. In the Koryo period, official relations with Song China were inaugurated in 962 AD. Political relations between the two countries were accompanied by religious and cultural relations. In addition to exchanges of envoys, Korean merchants, monks and students visited Song China, and their frequent visits played an important part in the cultural interchange. Even after official relations between the two countries were temporarily suspended in the eleventh century, merchants of Song and Koryo continued to carry on trade. Among extant statues, the rock-cut Bodhisattva image of Changam-ri (長岩里) at Ichon, dated 981 AD, shows one of the Buddhist iconographies popular in the Chinese Buddhist art of the tenth century, This image of a seated Bodhisattva wearing a high crown is quite similar to the ink-print image of Maitreya Bodhisattva at Seiryoji (淸凉寺), Kyoto, discovered in the cavity of a wooden Sakyamuni image which Japanese pilgrim-monk Chonen brought from China in 985 AD. Maitreya Bodhisattva is holding a fan called a Tang-fan, which people used to shoo flies. Fans here are most likely a sort of stylistic sinisization of the Nagavrksa (龍華樹) which each Indian Maitreya image of the Pala period is normally holding in its hand. He also wears a high crown with a small stupa in its center. A small stupa represented in a crown is also a typical symbol of Maitreya popular in the Pala period. Another example that shows Chinese influence on Koryo Buddhism and Buddhist art is the cult of Priest Sangha (僧伽大師). According to the record, the Buddhist monk Sangha came to China in the early 660" s (T' ang period) from Central Asia. He became famous in China. and after his death miraculous stories about him grew, and being considered as an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva, he was fervently worshipped by Buddhists in the Song period. The cult of Priest Sangha was introduced in the Unified Shilla period and became popular in the Koryo period. Kings of the Koryo period paid a visit to Seunga-sa (僧伽寺) to pray to the Priest Sangha. The iconography of Priest Sangha of the Song period is a monk wearing a hempen hood. The stone image of monk Sangha at Seunga-sa, dated 1024, exhibits the close similarity between Priest Sangha of Song and Koryo, differing mainly in his hand gesture: the one at Seunga-sa raises his hand and spreads one finger as if pointing out something. This hand gesture is normally regarded as a representation of a discussion or a debate, as we can see in the seated Manjusri Bodhisattva image of Sokkuram Grotto. and is not seen in the Priest Sangha images in China, because the hands of the Priest Sangha images in China are usually covered with garments. Beside the above-mentioned examples, there are many other unique elements of style and iconography of Koryo Buddhist sculptures which are closely related with Song counterparts. It will be worth mentioning that they show that artisans of the Koryo period did not simply copy Chinese style and iconography, but modified it into Koryo style to make a real Koryo art.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  4. [국내논문]   王詵의 〈煙江疊嶂圖〉와 文人山水畵의 傳統  

    朴恩和
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 57 - 84 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    The late Northern Song artist and collector Wang Shen (c. 1048-after 1104) created a landscape painting entitled Mistry River and Layered Peaks in the late 1080s after he returned from the political exile with his friends Su Shi (1036-1101) and Wang Gong (1048-after 1104). He gave the painting to Wang Gong, and Wang Shen and Su Shi wrote poems after the painting. Both painting and poems became very popular and widely known among the literati from the Northern Song period on as the embodiment of literati tradition in which verbal and pictorial images interact and enrich the meaning of the art work. The painting title, Misty River and Layered Peaks, was repeated by famous literati painters such as Zhao Mengfu (1254-1322), Shen Zhou (1427-1509). Wen Zhengming (1470-1559), and Dong Qichang (1555-1636), and became an important landscape theme which inspired later artists. Literary records evidence that Wang Shen painted more than one version of Misty River and Layered Peaks in handscroll format, and the landscape painted in blue and green manner now in the Shanghai Museum collection is quite possibly the painting that Wang Gong owned. Although unsigned and without seals of either Wang Shen or Wang Gong, it is one of the most securely documented of all extant Northern Song painting. It entered the emperor Huizong"s imperial collection and has official seals of the Xuanhe era (1119-1125) and a title inscribed immediately to the right of the painting by Huizong. The monumental style of landscape which prevailed among the court painters of the Northern Song reached its peak during the reign of emperor Shenzong (1067-1085) with Guo Xi (c. 1001-1090). Stylistic comparison of Mistry River and Layered Peaks with other Northern Song landscapes clearly shows that Wang"s painting reflects technical and stylistic changes that occurred in landscape painting at the turn of the twelfth century. As a privileged imperial relative and one of the leading members of the literati circle, Wang Shen most probably had access to old masterworks and acquired his knowledge of painting from them. By adopting the landscape style of Li Cheng (919-967) and reviving the archaic blue and green mode of the Tang dynasty. Wang Shen created his own modes of landscape. The composition with vast expanse of water and soaring mountains is a visual presentation of the title. It also indicated the departure from the monumental landscape structure and expressed the separation and loneliness he experienced during a period of painful exile, thus expanded the range of meaning and style in Chinese landscape painting. Created at a time when scholar-officials were turning to painting as a serious form of self-cultivation and working out their new styles and genres of painting to distinguish themselves from the professional tradition, Wang Shen"s painting demonstrated that the art of landscape began to convey the individual human mind and experience, which marked the beginning of the literati landscape tradition in China.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  5. [국내논문]   15세기 경기도 광주 백자의 성립과 발전  

    姜敬淑
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 75 - 101 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    The 15th century was a crucial period in the establishment of the governing system and regimental foundation of the [oseon Dynasty. Begun under King Sejong (1418-1450) and finalized in 1474, the Confucian-derived five cardinal principles of conduct were codified in the Oryeui (The Five Rites of State), considered to be the foundation of the Dynasty"s sovereignty and royalty. The compilation of the Gyeongguk Daejeon (The National Code) was initiated during the reign of King Sejo (1455-1468), to establish the administrative framework of the Joseon government. Official records during the Joseon Dynasty adhered to the tradition of faithful transcription of daily events in minute detail. These records render it possible to gauge the inception, growth, and establishment processes of white porcelain in the Joseon Dynasty and their social and cultural background, Apparently, the production of white porcelain in the Gwangju area began around 1420 at the same kilns where punchong ware was still produced, although white porcelain may have been processed in individual encasements. Such conjecture derives from the records contained in the Gwangju section of the Sejong Sillok Jiriji, or the Geographical Description of the Eight Provinces, included in the Annals of King Sejong (1432). From the 14305 to 14405, white porcelain experienced further growth while punchong ware gradually disappeared. During the 1450s to 1460s, the development of white porcelain flourished. It was during this period that blue-and-white porcelain also appeared. Such blossoming was prompted by the keen interest shown by King Sejo. as evidenced by the numerous records contained in the Annals of King Sejo (1455-1468). Most notably, with the establishment of official kilns in 1469, systematic production of white porcelain began in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do Province, under the control of Saongwon, or the Bureau of the Palace Kitchen Management, heralding the sao-year history of white porcelain of the Joseon Dynasty.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  6. [국내논문]   淸州 龍華寺 石佛像群의 硏究  

    정지희
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 85 - 108 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Yonghwa-sa temple(龍華寺) in Chungju (淸州) was built Kwang-moo (光武) 6th (1902) in Daehan empire (大韓帝國) and has been known as a old temple site at Late Shilla and Early Koryo (羅末麗初) dynasty from old times. There remain 7 buddhist stone statues and parts of pagoda and stairway that dated Koryo dynasty. And then some buddhist statues are remarkable because they are large in scale and excellent in sculpture. Besides metal relics with inscription Sanae-sa C"GI:I"~~) discovered nearby Yonghwa-sa temple in 1993 and relation between Sanae-sa and Buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple was often mentioned. However an investigation or a study on these statues hasn"t been done so far. Therefore, I tried to study on buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple. I want to confirm significance of these statues in Koryo buddhist stone statues. First of all, I discussed the origin of Yonghwa-sa buddhist stone statues. Some people said these statues were trasfered from several temple sites neighbourhood. But the possibility of this opinion is very weak, since Record of Yonghwa-sa temple establishment (『龍華寺寺蹟』) and old temple site nearby Yonghwa-sa Temple. What is more. according to excavation of metal relics of Sanoe-sa Temple sites (寺惱寺址), I suggested the possibility that Yonghwa-sa buddhist stone statues are the Sanae-sa Temple"s in origin. Secondly I researched the present situation and classified style of them. In regard of hair style and Usnisa (肉髻), the central large stone statue of Buddha (中央大石佛立像) is very decorative and elaborate despite of large statue. Face styles are similliar, and eyetail is down-directed particularly. As the result, Buddhist statues of Yonghwa-sa temple are devided into 3 styles. The first style is large and elaborated including the central large stone statue of Buddha (中央大石立像). The second style is traditional style of Unified Shilla Dynasty such as the left and right standing stone statues of Buddha (左右石佛立像) and the small standing statue of Buddha (小石佛立像). The third style is more rigid style than previous two styles. The seated Buddist statue, the seated Buddhisatva, the lohan statue back to the left standing stone left standing statue are included in third style. However I think the date of Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa is almost same. Inferring that their common face expressions and the left standing Buddhist stone statue (左右佛立像) and the lohan statue which made at the same time. It is reasonable that Yonghwa-sa temple Buddhist stone statues were made nearly the same time. As above, I suppose Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa were made in late 10th century and early 11th century. Finally, I focused on the significance of Buddhist stone statues at Yonghwa-sa temple. Even though there remain many of old temple sites around Musimchun-river, little Buddhist statue exist there. According to that, these Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa temple are representative among Buddhist statues at Chungju. I suggested possibility that Buddhist statues at Yonghwa-sa temple were originally Sanoe-sa Temple statues in connection with metal relics of Sanoe-sa Temple sites. Moreover, they are very valuable. Because they have rare formality and the importance of iconography. - smooth and elegant dapery with wave shape of the left standing Buddhist stone statue, the existence of Vimalakirti (維摩居士) and so on. then because they attains various styles at once as well. Furthermore, in case of the central large stone statue of Buddha, it"s sensitive and elaborate style which has been mainly discussed about Buddhist golden brass statues late Koryo dynasty. Therefore these statues will be very important data in study on Koryo Buddhist statues. So far studies on Buddhist statues of Koryo dynasty have b

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  7. [국내논문]   朝鮮時代 三身佛會圖에 관한 硏究  

    황규성
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 103 - 132 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Since Sakyamuni has achieved complete truth, a good variety of views on Buddhas and Buddha-kayas (佛身) have been unfolded through the entire Buddhist history. There are three Buddha-kayas (佛身) on the Buddhas and it will be classified into Dharma-kaya (法身: Vairocana), Sambhoga-kaya (報身: Locana), Nirmana-kaya (化身: Sakya Tathagata) from Indian Buddhist history. Vairocana (毘盧遮那) as Dharma-kaya (法身) originated from the light of Universe in Zoroastrianism. Locana (盧舍那) as Sambhoga-kaya (報身) is the one who has achieved ultimate reality through the practice of great spiritual perfections. Sakya Tathagata (釋迦佛) as Nirmana-kaya(化身) is a historical figure born to the world as Sidhartha Gotama in order to save mankind. In Northern part of Asia such as China, Korea and Japan, all the views on Buddhas and Buddha-kayas of Buddhism were prosperous with many schools or sects. It is uncertain that the thoughts of Threefold-body of Buddhas were represented into art works in India, but we find that Vairocana was embodied as supreme Buddha in Hua-wen Sect (華嚴宗) of Chinese Buddhism around the mid eighth century. Upon at least the late eighth or early ninth century, Chinese artisans started to make statues of Triratna. In Japan where Esoteric Buddhism was prosperous, they did not make any statues of Three Buddhas. It is not yet defined when the three Buddhas started to be made in Korea. But we estimate that it was about the tenth century. In Chosun (朝鮮) dynasty (1392-1910), Koreans began to create paintings of three assemblies of Buddhas. These pictures are usually been enshrined in the Hall of Light (大寂光殿, 大光明殿) of major temples and as large as ten or fifteen meters. The paintings of three assemblies of Buddhas are mostly from late Chosun dynasty and show stylistic changes in three stages (1636-1727, 1725-1800, 1801-1910). The paintings are classified into three different types according to their compositions. Type I is representative form of the paintings of three assemblies of Buddhas, for it has all three Buddha-kayas(figures 4-8). Type Ⅱ shows double composition of three Buddha-kayas (Vairocana, Locana and Sakya Tathagata) and three Buddhas in three places (Sakya Tathagata, Amitabha and Bhaisaiyaguru). It is said that Type Ⅱ is the result from unifying two different Buddhist doctrines under the repression of Chosun dynasty. Type Ⅱ is usually represented with crossed or triangular compositions (figures 9-11). In type Ⅲ, only one of the three Buddha-kayas is illustrated according to religious requirements. It may represent a) Vairocana as Dharma -kaya(figures 12), b) Locana as Sambhoga-kaya (figures 13-14), or c) Sakya Tathagata as Nirmana-kaya (figures 15-16). The formations of paintings of three assemblies of Buddhas have been developed from simple compositions to complicated ones: three Buddhas with Vairocana at the center or three Buddhas with Vairocana at the rear → three assemblies of Buddhas → double composition of three Buddha-kayas and three Buddhas in three Buddhist places. The paintings of three assemblies of Buddhas examined above represent most beautiful and ideal world of Buddhism and are distinguished artistic embodiment of universal truth of Buddhism as well as one of the most perfect objects to be worshiped.

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  8. [국내논문]   14세기 康津 磁器所의 해체와 窯業 체제의 二元化  

    朴敬子
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 109 - 147 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    In this thesis we study a gradual bifurcation of the 14th century Korean celadon manufacturing industry into a dual system, caused by weakening of the unique Gangjin Jagiso (磁器所: a semi-official Celadon manufacturer) and spread of the private celadon kilns over other areas in Korea. We establish a temporal and technical relationship between the Gangjin Jagiso and the private kilns by a comprehensive examination of the overall shape and decoration pattern over a collection of large number of inlaid-celadon ceramic pieces. The collection is from twenty three private kiln sites and Gangjin sites, either newly found at the sites by the author or belonging to public and private collections. This relationship can make a valuable contribution to the study of the early Punchong ware development since those private celadon kilns spread from Gangjin Jagiso in the late Koryo Dynasty soon turned into Punchong ware manufacturers. The time period corresponding to the present study is estimated to be from 1329, the year when the Gi-Sa (己巳, name of a year in the sexagesimal cycle) inscribed (銘) inlaid-celadon was manufactured, to 1420, the latest manufacturing year of the Gong-Ahn (恭安: a temporary Koryo government office existed in 1400-1420) inscribed inlaid-celadon. In the 14th century Koryo, faced with an extreme financial hardship, the royal authority pursued commercial profit-making by engaging into trade business. As a result, commercialization of the country was rapidly accelerated, allowing for a fast shift of the government-controlled manufacturing system into private businesses. This phenomenon had a profound influence on the 14th century celadon manufacturing system and quality of the celadon. Overlaid with frequent invasions of the Japanese pirates into the area, the craftsmen at the Gangjin Jagiso fled for their own private kilns in the hope for better living conditions, which led to a gradual fall of the government-controlled Gangjin Jagiso and to the manufacturing of the prestigious inlaid-celadon wares at the private kilns all over the country. After a careful and systematic study, three different evolution periods were identified: the first one in 1340-1372, the second one in 1372-1392, and the third one in 1392-1420. In the first period there was a wide spread of the inlaid-celadon kilns over the country. accompanied by a noticeable drop in the quality of the celadon wares manufactured in both systems when compared to the celadon wares manufactured at Gangjin Jagiso prior to 1340. This observation is consistent with the rapid commercialization of the celadon wares and start of mass production. The Gangjin Jagiso was still the sole supplier of the celadon wares to the royal court and the government authorities. The second period was separated from the first period by the recognition of the private kilns at the equal level to the down-graded Gangjin Jagiso. The private manufactures were allowed to use a unified letter inscription Sa-Sean (司膳), name of the royal kitchen. Both systems supplied the inlaid-celadon wares to the royal court in this period. Quality of the inlaid-celadon for the royal court from both systems was even more degraded from the first period. In the third period the government-controlled Gangjin Jagiso completely disappeared, synchronized with the collapse of the Koryo Dynasty and the rise of the Choson Dynasty. The private kilns, on the contrary, flourished and changed into manufacturers of the next generation Korean ceramic wares, i.e., Punchung ware (粉靑沙器). Their locations are later listed in the 「Geography Chapter」 of Authentic Annals of the King Sejong (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, 1424-1432).

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  9. [국내논문]   17-18세기 동아시아에서 實景山水畵의 성행과 그 의미  

    韓正熙
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 133 - 163 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Real scenery landscape paintings spread widely during the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries in China, Korea and Japan. In contrast to the traditional way of depicting landscape i.e, the conceptual and idealistic images of the Chinese Che School (浙派) and Wu school (吳派) styles, artists during this period began to depict the beauty of real scenery and topographies in their own countries. This new trend started in China in the early seventeenth century and spread first to Korea and then to Japan. This study investigates why such a phenomenon occurred in all three countries simultaneously. Previous discourse has debated whether it is related to an internal motive such as the independent movement in Korea and Japan. or to an external source such as an international trend to pay attention to the real world and actual life, In this paper, I propose a number of common factors which eventually formulated the prevalence of the real scenery landscape painting in these three countries. Firstly, I propose that the School of Practical Learning (實學), a philosophical movement which prevailed in the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries in these three countries, played an important role in establishing real scenery landscape painting and genre painting. Instead of looking at the world from the conceptual and philosophical Nee-Confucian viewpoint, scholars of the School of Practical Learning were concerned with actual life and the reality of the world. This kind of pragmatic thinking in Asia was stimulated by the visiting Westerners such as the Jesuit missionaries, and by Western publications translated into Chinese at that time. The popularity of travelling and composing travel essays in the Ming period China, the late Chosen period in Korea, and the Edo period in Japan equally contributed to the development of the real scenery landscape paintings. Historically, literature served as a forerunner to the formulation of new movement in art. Therefore, it is unmistakable that the popularity of travel along with the travel diaries and anthologies had an impact on the development of the real scenery landscape painting. Futhermore, I believe that the introduction of woodblock prints from China to Korea and Japan was another source by which Korean and Japanese artists learned of Chinese landscape paintings. Based on these factors, the real scenery landscape painting flourished broadly in all of East Asia. Although a large amount of the real scenery landscape painting was produced in these three countries, each country developed its own unique characteristics. For example, in China the Huangshan School (Anhui School) produced mainly landscapes based on nature. These artists especially favored the depiction of the scenic views of the Huangshan mountain in the Anhui province of China. In describing the various peaks in the mountain, Anhui artists like Hung-jen (弘仁), for example, initiated an abstract and geometric style. In Korea, Chŏng Sŏn formed a new school of real scenery landscape painting called “true-view landscape painting." Based on the traditional Korean way of describing actual scenery and the literati painting style from China, he created a unique method of depiction. Of the many mountains in Korea he especially liked the Diamond Mountains with their needle-shaped peaks and expressive pine trees. He enlivened the beauty of Korean scenery with his powerful renderings of the axe-cut and hemp-fiber strokes. Many artists followed his brush manner and perspective together with the shapes of peaks and pine trees in depicting scenes from the Diamond Mountains and other sites. In Japan, the famous Nanga (南畵) artist Ike no Taiga was a pioneer in the field of true-view landscape painting. He was a versatile painter who also painted in the manner of ancient masters (倣作) and the subject of Four Gentlemen. Taiga described the topographies of Japan in

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지
  10. [국내논문]   峀雲 柳德章 (1675-1756)의 墨竹畵 硏究  

    탁현규
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.237 ,pp. 149 - 181 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Su"un (峀蕓) Yu Tok-chang (柳德章) was one of the three greatest bamboo painters in Chosōn Dynasty. He had devoted himself to bamboo painting through all his life until he died in his 80"s. Accepting the tradition of the Chosōn bamboo painting style, established by Tan-en (灘隱) Yi chōng (李霆) in the middle of Chosōn Dynasty, Yu Tōk-chang was the last painter who succeeded to the tradition of Yi chōng"s bamboo style during the first half of the 18th century. Yu Tōk-chang"s ancestral home was Jinju (晋州) and his family was famous for both the pen and the sword. Especially, his 6th forefather served as a minister in Myung-jong"s throne and was also good at bamboo painting. Yu"s granduncle was also a great warrior, but he was sentenced to death by wrong accusation in 1680. This tragedy shocked Yu"s family deeply. Yu Tōk-chang was born in 1675. He got married to Jeonju Yi clan (全州李氏) Myung-rin"s daughter, who was one year younger than he. Yu Tōk-chang had 2 sons and 3 daughters. After failing in the state exam in his early age, Yu started to paint bamboos. Yu mainly made friends in the same party called as Southerners (南人). Some of them wrote some poems and colophons on Yu"s bamboo paintings. Gan-ong (艮翁) Yi Heon-kyoung(李獻慶) made a lot of writings about Yu"s bamboo and Sung-ho (星湖) Yi Ik (李瀷)"s nephew Yi Yong-hyu (李用休) left important recordings most of all. Besides these Southerners, Sin Kwang-soo (申光洙) and Nam Tae-weong (南泰膺) also wrote some colophons about the paintings. Yu"s bamboo paintings style can be discussed. by the two kinds of origins. At first, many scholars mentioned that Yu"s bamboo was linked to Yi chōng"s bamboo. Secondly, Yu"s family tradition on bamboo painting made his bamboo"s joint straight so that Yu"s bamboo looked taller and slimmer. Yu"s bamboo painting works can be classified according to two periods: a forming period and a completing period. In a forming period. before his 50"s. the bamboo leaves were a little thin and the position of bamboo was not stable. However, in a completing period. those shortcomings were corrected and the size of his painting became larger as time went by. The features of Yu"s bamboo are as follows. The leaves are lively and the stems of a bamboo are straight without over-curves. The density of leaves and stems are not so high that the space on the painting is wide enough. The positions of bamboos drawn in thick and thin ink are various. These make Yu" s bamboo rhythmical. Furthermore, Yu"s paintings have the moon and water along with bamboos. Yu"s bamboo were often compared with Yi chōng"s bamboo. Many scholars concluded that Yu"s bamboo was the best after Yi chōng"s. Especially, Yi Yong-hyu said that Yu"s bamboo had a rhythm (韻) and Yi"s bamboo had a power (勢). The difference between two bamboo painters was the difference between the generation making a standard style and the generation succeeding to the former style. Also, Yu enjoyed his long life painting bamboo in his own way. This individual aspect probably made his bamboo smoother. After Yu"s bamboo painting. the Chosōn ink bamboo style was changed to a new bamboo style affected by Southern school literati painting (南宗畵).

    원문보기

    원문보기
    무료다운로드 유료다운로드

    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

    이미지

    Fig. 1 이미지

논문관련 이미지