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美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history 10건

  1. [국내논문]   駱西 尹德熙 繪畵 硏究  

    車美愛
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 5 - 50 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    This essay aims to illustrate the life of Yun Deok-hui (尹德熙, 1685-1766) based on Subal-jip (溲勃集), his newly discovered essay in 2001 as well as Haeng-jang (行狀), a part of the sixth volume of Dongak-munheon (棠岳文獻), and to discuss his artistic achievement that had been unfortunately shadowed by his father"s artistic fame. As the son of a famous literati painter Yun Du-seo (尹斗緖, 1668-1715). Yun Deok-hui was an active painter throughout the early and mid eighteenth-century, late Chosen dynasty. His zi (字) was Kyeong-baek (敬伯) and his literary name is Yeon-ong and Nak-seo (蓮翁, 駱西). Yun Deok-hui was a prolific painter who created more than 110 works of painting until he died at the age of 82. His artistic boundary spans to southern school painting, real scenary painting, horse and taoist figure paintings. In addition, he experimented with western pictorial expressions like chiaroscuro. Although Yun Deok-hui was not as famous as his father, it is worth to note that he played a crucial role to establish his family"s artistic style by transmitting his father"s artistic accomplishment to his son Yun Yong(尹愹, 1708-1740). Yun Deok-hui spent his early period (1685-1713) in Hanyang (漢陽), the capital of the Chosen dynasty, receiving lessons of calligraphy and classics from Yi seo (李淑, 1662-1723). Around the age of 24 (1708), he was finally introduced to artistic world by his father. In the mature period (1713-1731), Yun Deok-hui returned to his home land Heanam (海南), and had an opportunity to have a thorough study on his family"s collection. When he came back to the capital in his late age (1731-1752), he became actively involved into Hanyang art scene. At the age of 64 (1748). Yun Deok-hui was called to take part in copying of the King Sukjong (肅宗)"s portrait as a scholar director (監董). Yun Deok-hui"s intellectual interest was not only limited to Confucianism, but also to Buddhism, Taoism, Chinese novels, music, and even to medicine. His broad intellectual boundary is evident in the fact that he read at the age of 59 (1743) Tian-gong-kai-wu 『天工開物』 written by a late Ming scholar Song Eun-seong (宋應星, 1587-1648) and he had read 127 Chinese novels between the age of 77 and 78. Such various intellectual interests might have been inspired through his mother"s family, which had been leading the eighteenth-century politics and scholarship in the Choson dynasty. Yi Su-kwang (李晬光, 1563-1628), a famous philosopher of "Practical Learning (實學)", was indeed the great-grandfather of Yun Deok-hui"s mother. There is little doubt that Yun Deok-hui had an intimate intellectual relationship with scholars of the Keunki School (近畿學派) composed by members of Namin (南人) such as Yi Man-bu (李萬敷, 1664-1732), Yi Jam (李潛, 1660-1706), Yi Seo (李溆, 1662-1723) and Yi Ik (李瀷, 1681-1763). However, Yun Deok-hui also associated with members of the Noron School (老論系) such as Yi Byeong-yeon (李秉淵, 1671-1751) and Jeong Seon (鄭敾, 1676-1759), who shared a different political and philosophical ideology from that of the Keunki School. Such unfettered intellectual boundary nurtured Yun Deok-hui"s artistic world and make it rich. Yun Deok-hui"s artistic foundation mainly consists of three elements: Yun Du-seo"s style, his own artistic vision, and Chinese painting manuals. His view of painting was classified into three esthetics: of drawing "Jin Kyeong" (眞景, real scenary). of spontaneous expression of his mind and feeling (寫意) and of taking a painter for a matter of secondary importance as a scholar (末藝觀). It is worth to note that Yun Deok-hui used the term, "Jin Kyeong" (眞景) in 1709. He believed that paintings should depict faithfully real world rather t

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  2. [국내논문]   韓國 初期靑磁의 形成과 傳播 - 塼築窯와 土築窯를 중심으로  

    李鍾玟
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 51 - 75 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    "The celadon tea bowl and other shapes displaying the pi-shaped foot ring" characterize the early celadons of Korea. Despite of the many obstacles due to the lack of materials in the study of celadons, particularly the birth of celadons, newly acquired materials provide evidence that the development of celadons differed in the mid-western region and the southwestern region. The early celadon kilns of the mid-western region comprised as brick kilns, approximately 40 meters long and 2 meters wide, with 7 side entrances. Recent excavation of the late Tang and Northern Song period in China including the Shanglin Lake (上林湖), Hehuaxin (荷花芯). Cixi City (慈溪市), and Silongkou (寺龍口) area, all imply that the Korean brick kiln originated from the Yuezhou kiln (越州窯) in the Zhejiang province (浙江省). Moreover, the saggar shard with the inscription bonghwa (奉化)", unearthed at the Pangsan-dong kiln site in Sihung, suggest that the potter may have come from the Fuhua (奉化) region in China. The kilns in the southwestern region display smaller mud kilns, approximately 10 meters long, with 2-3 side entrances. Traditionally there were many small underground stoneware kilns in this region, actively maintained by the potters since the Unified Silla period. These mud kilns were not influenced by Chinese technology but were indigenously developed by the Korean stoneware potters. In the 1980s, the excavation of the Sŏ-ri kiln in Yongin revealed not only a kiln structure that transformed from a brick kiln to a mud kiln but also a stratum of waste that clearly exhibited the transition. Among the excavated materials, the tea bowls, which comprised the largest number, are particularly interesting as the foot displays the development from proto-pi-shaped foot ring→the coexistence of the proto-pi-shaped foot ring and the pi-shaped foot ring→pi-shaped foot ring→wheel-shaped foot ring. Because more than 50% of the shards from the early celadon kiln site consist of tea bowls, the study of this form provides an important criterion in the understanding of the development of early celadon kilns. The Korean tea bowls with pi-shaped foot ring were thought to present the same style as those from the late Tang period. However, the tea bowls with proto-pi-shaped foot ring exhibit the same style with those from the Five Dynasties period. Thus, the former view must be revised. In other words, the Korean tea bowls with pi-shaped foot ring appears to be a Koreanized style of the later period, and not the contemporary style of the late Tang period. The brick kiln structure presented objects that were exact copies of the Yuezhou wares of the Five Dynasties period, while the mud kilns showed stoneware influences and many shards displayed brick kiln characteristics and stoneware elements. Chronologically later than the brick kiln, the mud kiln produced objects influenced by metalwork, fired high quality and low quality wares separately, and attempted biscuit firing. It appears that the brick kilns, which produced celadons for the upper class in the 10th century, directly adopted Chinese technology in the production structure of early celadons. Moreover, the mud kilns seem to have been formed around the southwestern coast as Korean celadon production structures in the 11th century. Thus, Korean celadons first began production from brick kilns and gradually transferred to the mud kilns in the southwestern area. The early celadons of Korea were produced in brick kilns in order to satisfy the demand for celadons that were imported from China in limited amounts. The mud kilns, on the other hand, developed after celadon production was set on track, and thus reflected Koryo life style and aesthetics. This fundamental characteristic differentiates the brick kiln and the mud kiln in early celadon production.

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  3. [국내논문]   朝鮮時代 象嵌白磁의 編年 硏究  

    權素玄
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 77 - 117 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    The white porcelain with inlay (象嵌白磁) of Joseon dynasty is a kind of white porcelain, which was made before the blue and white porcelain of Joseon dynasty (朝鮮靑畵白磁) as an influence of the style of Chinese ceramics. It was made at the latter part of 15th century and was regionalized, diminished and disappeared around 1470 that the branch official kiln (分院) as a division of Saongwon (司饔院: an official organization for royal food) was in Gwangju (廣州), Gyeonggi-do province (京畿道). The 15th century is the time when the various kinds of ceramics became a single kind of white porcelain. In the late Goryeo dynasty buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) was made based on the traditional skills of celadon with inlay and Chinese ceramics were imported from China, Japan and Yu-gu (琉球). In these situation the white porcelain with inlay was made by mixing the Chinese ceramics with the traditional skills with inlay (象嵌技法). The tradition of inlaying skills transmitted from Goryeo was made by scarfing the surface with the style and putting ocher day (赭土) and pottery day (白土) in it whereas the Joseon white porcelain with inlay was made by scarfing the style first and then painting it with the iron black. This was the characteristic feature of the Joseon white porcelain with inlay. There are five different kinds of styles which is divided by the type of the main design in white porcelain with inlay: scroll design (唐草文), modified scroll design (變形唐草文), separated branch design (折枝文), floral design with two lines (二重線草花文), dragon design (龍文), fish design (魚文) and many other designs. Scroll design type and modified scroll design type were made influenced by the ceramics of Chinese Yuan (元) dynasty. But we can also find out that these kind of expression is shown in the Joseonized skills with inlay that tried to imitate the skills of other countries. Through these stages of acceptance, white porcelain with inlay has been developed and a certain kind of Korean style materials and ways of expressions came out. Separated branch design type began to show the mixture of tradition and imported factors and a more pictorial and realistic face. Floral design with two lines type is seen on white porcelain with inlay having fixed chronical data (絶對編年資料) and carved letter (銘文), the place where it was found is centered on Gyeonsang-do province (慶尙道) area and its quality is soft quality white porcelain (軟質白磁), different from the hard quality white porcelain (硬質白磁) made in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do province. We can say that the time is when the white porcelain kilns was already been changed into official kilns (官窯) mainly producing the blue and white porcelain of Joseon Dynasty in Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do province. The white porcelain with inlay of Joseon Dynasty exhibited and improved the Korean feature accepting the foreign factor and drafting it upon traditional technique in aspect of the shape, the material of design: the style of expressions had the position of a class as Joseon White Porcelain. Though white porcelain with inlay was on the decline and disappeared due to the mass production of blue and white porcelain, we can find its meaning in that it shows us the characteristics reflecting the tide of times, the conversion from celadon centered age to white porcelain centered age among the various ceramics appeared in the 15th century.

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  4. [국내논문]   1950년대 전반 한국미술에서 他者읽기  

    조은정
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 119 - 148 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    South Korea in the early 1950 underwent the construction of the nation after the demise of Japanese imperialism. In this period, Korea recognized its own domain as a deadlock spot of Cold War between the East and West through the U.S. military government where the remains of Japanese imperialism couldn" t be removed. Korea also met the West directly through the Korean War. When the Korean War broke out on the peninsu1a of Northeast Asia, the U.S. as a giant country involved in it, and the UN as a combination of the world took part in the war. Then Koreans realized their own land was an important area in the world situation. Furthermore, they recognized Korea was the front line against communism, where it had a value to be protected by all the people in the world. This anti-communism elitism has the nationalist color painted over anti-communism. However, they considered the western world, a third party, as allies who were in the same position as Korea or advanced countries. As a result, the former made the Korean people identify with them and the latter let them be considered as an exemplary model, which became the motive to develop worship of the powerful within our mind. The purpose of this study is to observe the other in self and the other as self in Korean art in the early 1950"s. Goddess of Liberty hung on the outer wall of Busan City Hall in 1952 was painted by Korean famous painters, but it resembles a lot Liberty Leading the People by Delacroix. Through this picture, we can see France as the other within self and Korea bearing feminine images, which is ambiguous and antinomic. Identification with France is well presented in the point that it was France where most artists left for during and after the war. The reason they chose France, and not Japan as the third country, was because they didn"t know that the world art had moved to the U.S. and recognized France as a home of art. It is undeniable that his attitude resulted from Japan. regardless whether it was true or not. Despite the U.S."s efforts to introduce U.S. art in the late 50"s, U.S. art had been regarded as a subordinate one of French art for a long time. It was not because the revolt against the art of U.S. capitalism, but because French art was already transferred into our tradition. The western painting circles, which were the mainstream at that time, accessed reflectively towards japanese western art after the Independence. The reflection may be presented as an enthusiasm to access art by visiting the home of western art. Consequently, the concept of the other in early 1950 resulted from the rise of many dormant motives rather than from the U.S. However, there was also the influence of the U.S. Korean people gradually realized the view of the U.S. through a large number of magazines, printing media, and news photos. This view was proven in the photos filled with refugees crossing the broken bridge and picture meaning the Korean War, as well as Du-hwan Kim"s A Field Hospital. Du-hwan Kim"s A Field Hospital represents the other angle through news photos, dealing with the figures of people injured by the war. If Liberty Leading the People makes people read the other within the self, who identifies one"s own country with France. A Field Hospital shows the other as the self. The other in Korea art in early 1950 includes the self and surroundings adjusted by careful Orientalism in Japanese imperialism as well as the U.S. or the West. It proves that more complex society situation and discourses should be examined to analyze the content of Korean art. The concept of the other object resulted from the ethics are nationalism that made Japan the other from imperialism to independence: considering the pro system against establishing a single government as anti-national subjects: criticism about people except for the extreme right, regarding th

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  5. [국내논문]   道岬寺 觀世音菩薩三十二應幀의 圖像 硏究  

    유경희
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 149 - 179 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    This thesis is about Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokiteśvara (觀世音三十二應幀) from Tokab-sa temple (道岬寺), which was painted by Yi Cha-sil (李自實) in 1550. The painting was commissioned by Queen Dowager of Kong-Ui (恭懿王大妃) to pray for the bliss of her dead husband, King In-long (仁宗). Originally this Buddhist painting was placed at the Golden Hall of Tokab-sa temple in Young Am, Chun-Nam, Korea: however, it is now located at Chion-in temple (知恩院), Japan. With its painted period, original location, and artist inscribed on the painting. this painting fully exemplifies the Buddhist painting of the early period of the Cho-son dynasty. At the center of the upper part, there are two Buddhas with the group of the five Buddhas on both their right and left. Below these two Buddhas, Avalokitesvara is seated on the rock at the center. From the bottom part of the painting, there are the paitings of the thirty-two responsive manifested of Avalokitesvara (觀世音三十二應幀), based its form on the Chapter 25 of the Lotus sutra of the marvelous law of Buddha (觀世音菩薩普門品). Each painting present Avalokitesvara in thirty-two different forms saves mankind in various calamities. Furthermore, this Buddhist painting depicts the landscape with mountains, tress, rocks, and clouds. Through these elements of the landscape we can see the relationship between the Buddhist painting and secular painting of the early Choson period. This Buddhist painting has been studied by Japanese scholar Kumakai Nobuo (態谷宣夫) and by Korean scholars including Hong Yoon-sik Song Eun-suk, and Im Young-hyo. And there have existed different opinions about the subject matter among these scholars regardless of its inscription, Thirty-two Responsive Manifestation of Avalokitesvara. Also, the artist Yi Cha-sil is not well known and the landscape elements of this Buddhist painting has not been fully explained. Therefore, I have attempted to examine its artist, his basis of this Buddhist painting, and his creativity that reflected in this painting. As the result, I have confirmed that this Buddhist painting is produced as a prayer painting for the dead under the active patronage of Queen Moon-Jung (文定王后) in the 16th century. The Buddhist sutra, this painting had based, is the Lotus sutra of the marvelous law of Buddha. This sutra was published the most frequently at that period. Among many commentaries, this sutra is the one with annotations by Chinese, Kye-Hwan (戒環) at the Kaewomyon-sa temple (開元蓮寺) in Song dynasty. This version of sutra came to be very popular in Korea at that period while not being very much favored in China and Japan. For this reason, when this Buddhist painting was first introduced to Korea by Japanese, the Sutra that this painting had its origin did not receive proper attention. Another problem in this painting is about the artist. Regardless of its inscribed name on the painting, the name of the artist Yi Cha-sil cannot be found in the list of the Court painters at the Choson dynasty. However, fortunately, Korean art historian Yi Dong-joo found this name at the list of successful candidates in the medical examination. With this fact, I have confirmed that Yi Cha-sil is the Choson court painter Yi Sang-choa (李上佐) had a close tie with the Choson court. He painted in the style of the famous court painter An Kyun (安堅) and many parts of this Buddhist painiting also show An Kyuns influence on the artist. With these facts, I have surmised such a conclusion. However. very few remains of the record and no related documents make the study even more difficult. I have examined the characteristic traits of the painting. As I have understood this painting as the illustration of the Chapter 25 of the Lotus sutra of the marvelous law of Buddha, I have showed the examples of transformation of this Bu

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  6. [국내논문]   秋史 金正喜의 산수화  

    김현권
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 181 - 219 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    Kim Jeong-hee (金正喜) was a leading painter of the nineteenth century, during the Chosun Dynasty (朝鮮). His unique calligraphy and ink orchid paintings are considered inventive even in view of its Chinese (Qing Dynasty: 淸) sources. Although his landscape painting is not as renowned as his calligraphy and orchid painting, it also served as a standard model for other painters to follow. We can understand the characteristics of his landscape painting through the investigation of his Essay on Painting (畵論). His research into the treatises of the Qing scholars Weng Fanggang (翁方綱) and Ruan Yuan (阮元), in the Qing Bibliographical Study (考證學), influenced his concepts of representation. In this academic attitude, he expressed the theory by creating a concrete work. His artistic views are the unifying theme as well of his Essay on Poetry (詩論) and Essay on Calligraphy-Painting (書畵論). He judges that poetry is derived from "emotional sensibility (性靈)", but he believes that excessive exaltation of sensitivity and emotions will result in "strangeness and deviation from universality (奇怪)", thus, advocates "figuration (格調)" to guard against it. He applied this to his painting theory, as is exhibited in his "orthodox style (古法)". It is a literati painting style of Yuan (元), Ming (明), and early Qing (淸) Dynasty. The influence-the desolate but noble atmosphere of Huang Gongwang (黃公望) and Ni Zan (倪瓚), and the linearity of the Four Wangs (四王) and Dong Qichang (董其昌) as followers of them-are evident in his work which apply both "dry brushstroke-light ink (渴筆淡墨)" and "accumulated ink (積墨)". In 1809 in Beijing (北京) he met painters such as Weng Fanggang and viewed many fine Chinese paintings. Particularly through his exchanges with Zhu Henian (朱鶴年) did he gamer knowledge of Beijing painting trends. It is after 1825 and type of painting that he began exchanging works with Qing painters including Zhang Shen (張深). That served as a basis for his master piece during his period of exile to Cheju Island (濟州道). About the late period of exile, he borrowed the styles of Zhang Geng (張庚) to attain the painting styles of Huang Gongwang, and Ni Zan. In Seoul, after his release from exile, during a period of positive critical assessment of painting work, he perfected his theory on painting. During this period he consulted the works of Dong Qichang, Wang Yuanqi (王原祁), and Shitao (石濤), and executed paintings in "dry brushstroke-light ink" and "accumulated ink" techniques, developing his own style through this process. In 1851 he was exiled to Buk Chuang (北靑), and was released the next year. Following this, he developed a devotion to Buddhism, and the concepts of phenomenon and mind as explored in that religion began to inform his landscape paintings in a conflation of Painting and Zen, that is to say hua-son ilchi (畵禪一致)". In conclusion, his paintings fall into the school of Huang Gongwang and Ni Zan, particularly in terms of their dry, desolate, but noble air. Ultimately, he developed his own and unique painting style as can be seen in the work and attained the "hua-son ilchi". His style of painting was succeeded to the Chusa school (秋史派) of Chosun dynasty painters.

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  7. [국내논문]   他者로서의 李王家博物館과 傳統觀 - 書畵觀을 중심으로  

    박계리
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 221 - 248 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    This thesis is an analysis of the traditional viewpoint on the Museum of the Yi Royal Family who have come to lose the status as a main body and to be degenerated as a stranger through the loss of sovereignty and of being subordinated as a colony. It has also examined whether the group which had become a stranger politically has also examined whether the group which had become a stranger politically has also become a stranger culturally. First of all, I"m going to reexamine the existing discussion regrading the establishment of the Museum of the Yi Royal Family. The existing investigators have defined that the first museum of our country had been proposed extemporaneously and set up for a king"s private hobby life. However, "The Secret History of the Yi Kings" Palace" strongly suggests that the establishment of the Yi Royal Family"s Museum was impromptu proposed only for kings" private hobby. Even if the establishment of the Yi Royal Family"s Museum was proposed upon the accidental occasion of King Soon Jong"s moving to Chang Deok Palace and it was section chief of General Affairs Seu E Masoo Goo Ma Hee Ggo, a Japanese that was exclusively in charge of the moving, it may not have been necessary to open the museum to the public by opening the palace to the general populace if it had not been for the foundation of the modern recognition and for the will to realize it on the part of King Soon Jong and the bureaucrats in the court with regard the system of museum which began to be introduced as a part of the policy of enlightenment of inducing civilization after the opening up of the country in 1876. Of course, if seen in terms of pride, we can interpret the opening up of the palace as a slight to the Yi Dynasty, which can be cited as a representative instance of the phenomenon in which kings become strangers. However, as mentioned in the "the Secret History of the Yi Royal Palace"" we will to pay attention to the fact that even the opening of the palace was not instantly and unconditionally carried out by Japanese pressure. Even if the remark that "There was a fierce opposition" even if the author of "the secret History of the Yi Royal Palace" was a Japanese proved that there existed a fierce argument criticizing the problem of opening the palace to the public, it has been overlooked during that time. In order to resolve the fierce opposition like the above, Japan attempted to move the center of discussion from the "opening of the palace" to the "establishment of museum. Therefore, we can judge that the establishment of the first museum of our country was not extemporaneously proposed and carried out. In the meantime, in terms of modern view point we can interpret that the opening of a museum is not medieval collection, but making it clear that it is directed toward modern public collection making a contribution to academic investigation and social education. Consequently, it is judged that Japan"s authorities concerned in charge of policies at that time concealed the intention of policy aimed at making Korean tradition a stranger systematically and succeeded in eliciting the support of King Soon Jong and of Lee, Wan Yong and his party by surfacing the modern character of a museum. The museum of the Yi Royal Family were established and operated as a part of Japan"s cultural policy. Accordingly, Japan, authorities concerned with colony projected Korea seen by itself and Korea regulated by itself. Consequently, royal family which used to be the main body in the age of tradition turned to be peripheral and became a stranger and Koreans, who became strangers to Korea began to regulate themselves as strangers through the glance which made Koreans strangers. This kind of glance was expressed through

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    회원님의 원문열람 권한에 따라 열람이 불가능 할 수 있으며 권한이 없는 경우 해당 사이트의 정책에 따라 회원가입 및 유료구매가 필요할 수 있습니다.이동하는 사이트에서의 모든 정보이용은 NDSL과 무관합니다.

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  8. [국내논문]   조선 후기 목조건물의 年代觀과 年輪年代學  

    이강근
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 249 - 281 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    What does chronological study of historical wooden architecture mean? And, what is the Annual-ring Chronology and why do we need it for the study of wooden architecture? What is the relationship between these two? What is the reason for me limiting the subject of this study to the late Joseon period? A wooden building needs to be repaired on a regular basis to use for a long period, and therefore, it is often difficult to maintain its original style. As the main material of a wooden building, wood tends to be damaged by insects or natural decay and erosion, and the work of repair or replacement is often unavoidable. A wooden building is a complete work of art when it is first completed in terms of practical function and artistic style and structure, but this completeness becomes damaged over time, gradually losing its original shape and structure. At the same time, we sometimes need to eliminate a considerable part of the original materials, replacing them with new ones. Replacing the original with new wood does not necessarily mean any significant change in the structure of the building, and thus, not a great loss of the original"s artistic value. However, if architects use a different material from the original in repair work, or if they follow the trend of their time rather than that of the original, the building may end up having varied styles within. This can cause a problem for researchers to ascertain an exact construction date of the building. For most wooden buildings, repair is absolutely unavoidable to extend its life, and therefore, it can have various styles from different periods. This is why we sometimes find it difficult to discuss wooden buildings in terms of styles according to periods. Therefore, to produce a precise chronology of a wooden building, a researcher should carefully review not only the original construction date, but also the history of repair works via, for example, primary data such as a written record on a rainbow beam. Despite that, it is still necessary to check the repaired part in a direct manner depending on the researcher"s naked eye, and divide the new from the old. One problem in this process is related to the study of bracket set under the eaves, which are often decorated with traditional color patterns. For an old building with a long history of repair, it is not easy to identify a temporal order of repaired parts, partly due to the color decoration. In a situation where old and new materials coexist, a study of architectural style can face a major obstacle, particularly concerning the changes of style and the reason. One of the scientific means that is useful in dealing with such a situation is the tree-ring dating. It was in November of 1999 when Korea introduced this methodology in which let researchers overlap annual rings of wooden materials used for an architectural building with those of living trees, but did this in real time. After the first try of Professor Won Kyu Park, a leading dendrochronology expert, and I conducted a joint study on the topic for three years between September of 2000 and August of 2003. Thanks to the results from the study, we are now able to present a precise chronology on the cutting dates of original wood elements used for historical wooden buildings of the late Joseon era, meaning that we now know the exact age of buildings studied. In the course of analyzing the samples collected from the repair works of wooden building in which I took part, and based on the Chronology of Old Wooden Materials of Geunjeongjeon Hall and Geunjeongmun Gate in Gyeongbokgung Palace, we completed "a Master Chronology for 580 years starting from 1420. This means that we are now able to give specific dates for wooden buildings built since, at least, since the 16th century. We will also be able to give dates for buildings before the 15th century once a following annual-ring study on t

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  9. [국내논문]   朝鮮 前期의 書論 硏究  

    李完雨
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 283 - 319 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    The present study is about calligraphy theory of the first half Chosun period. It consists of four main parts: general ideas on calligraphy, conception of calligraphic scripts, views on Chinese model calligraphies & noted calligraphers, and comments on Korean excellent calligraphers. Firstly, literary class of this period regarded Confucian books and moral practicing as a "right way (大道)", but they regarded poem, prose, calligraphy, and painting as "small arts (小技)". So they always were cautious about not plunging into those small arts. It is called "wan-wu-shang-zhi (玩物喪志: if one indulge in small things, his spirit will be damaged)". It was the fundamental and general ideas on calligraphy, which must be more strengthened by the Confucian doctrines from the establishment of Chosun dynasty. On the other hand, literary class also accepted the public utility of calligraphy and painting as a means of managing national necessities, and the mental function as a means of expressing one"s mind freely and cultivating one"s nature as well. And they also thought of one"s nature (天性) and character (人品) as a standard of esthetic appreciation and deepened it into the trinity of poem, calligraphy, and painting (試書畵一律). These conceptions are based on a traditional idea that one"s calligraphy style is derived from his character. Secondly, conception of calligraphic scripts (書體) was put emphasis on Chao Meng-fu (趙孟頫)"s standard-script as a general model. For official use Chosun government promoted classical styles of Chin period like as Wang Hsi-chih (王義之)"s and reprinted Chinese model calligraphies many times and spreaded them to public. In large standard-script, Hs?h-an (雪菴)"s style of Y?n was popularized and used steadily until the later half of Chosun period. Also in running-script and grass-script, Wang"s and Chao"s styles were principal models. However, after 16th century new styles of mad grass-script (狂草) as Zhang P"i (張弼)"s of Ming also were introduced and become popular. And small seal-script of Ch"in period (秦代小篆) was regarded as a standard and in clerical-script the formalized style as a dictionary I-yun (隷韻), which was firstly printed in Southern Sung, was general. Thirdly, concerning to model calligraphies, Tung-shu-t"ang-chih-ku-t"i (東書堂集古帖), printed in 1416 and Bi-hae-dang-jip-go-cheop (匪懈堂集古帖) compiled by Prince An-pyeang (安平大君) in 1443 was the representatives in this period. In particular the later contained many Zhao meng-fu"s works, so it should help to spread his style. In addition, single model calligraphy like as Wang Hsi-chih, Chu Hsi (朱熹), Zhao Meng-fu, Hsien-y?Shu (鮮于樞), Hs?h-an etc. were printed by the government and in these Wang"s and Zhao"s were many. However, calligraphy style of Ming period must be accepted in a certain extant, but not be popularized except Zhang P"i"s. Futhermore the first official record on introduction of Wen Zheng-ming (文徵明)"s calligraphy was very late in 1600. But as the pseudo-classical (擬古的) trend of literary thought was introduced in the second half of 16th century, calligraphy theory of Ming period must be introduced too. A popular calligrapher as Han Ho (韓濩) was concerned about epitaph & calligraphy postscripts by Wang Shih-chen (王世貞), who was a powerful leader of Ming literary world. Finally, in comments on Korean excellent calligraphers, many Chosun commentator succeeded the tradition of later Koryeo period, in which they commented on Kim Saeng (金生), Yeong Eup (靈業), Yo Geuk-il (姚克一) of Unified Silla Kingdom and Tan Yeon (坦然), Yi Am (李嵒) of Koryeo Dynasty. It is very special that Yi Am was highly praised by many c

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  10. [국내논문]   學會消息 외  

    편집부
    美術史學硏究 = Korean journal of art history no.240 ,pp. 321 - 328 , 2003 , 1225-2565 ,

    초록

    The present study is about calligraphy theory of the first half Chosun period. It consists of four main parts: general ideas on calligraphy, conception of calligraphic scripts, views on Chinese model calligraphies & noted calligraphers, and comments on Korean excellent calligraphers. Firstly, literary class of this period regarded Confucian books and moral practicing as a "right way (大道)", but they regarded poem, prose, calligraphy, and painting as "small arts (小技)". So they always were cautious about not plunging into those small arts. It is called "wan-wu-shang-zhi (玩物喪志: if one indulge in small things, his spirit will be damaged)". It was the fundamental and general ideas on calligraphy, which must be more strengthened by the Confucian doctrines from the establishment of Chosun dynasty. On the other hand, literary class also accepted the public utility of calligraphy and painting as a means of managing national necessities, and the mental function as a means of expressing one"s mind freely and cultivating one"s nature as well. And they also thought of one"s nature (天性) and character (人品) as a standard of esthetic appreciation and deepened it into the trinity of poem, calligraphy, and painting (試書畵一律). These conceptions are based on a traditional idea that one"s calligraphy style is derived from his character. Secondly, conception of calligraphic scripts (書體) was put emphasis on Chao Meng-fu (趙孟頫)"s standard-script as a general model. For official use Chosun government promoted classical styles of Chin period like as Wang Hsi-chih (王義之)"s and reprinted Chinese model calligraphies many times and spreaded them to public. In large standard-script, Hs?h-an (雪菴)"s style of Y?n was popularized and used steadily until the later half of Chosun period. Also in running-script and grass-script, Wang"s and Chao"s styles were principal models. However, after 16th century new styles of mad grass-script (狂草) as Zhang P"i (張弼)"s of Ming also were introduced and become popular. And small seal-script of Ch"in period (秦代小篆) was regarded as a standard and in clerical-script the formalized style as a dictionary I-yun (隷韻), which was firstly printed in Southern Sung, was general. Thirdly, concerning to model calligraphies, Tung-shu-t"ang-chih-ku-t"i (東書堂集古帖), printed in 1416 and Bi-hae-dang-jip-go-cheop (匪懈堂集古帖) compiled by Prince An-pyeang (安平大君) in 1443 was the representatives in this period. In particular the later contained many Zhao meng-fu"s works, so it should help to spread his style. In addition, single model calligraphy like as Wang Hsi-chih, Chu Hsi (朱熹), Zhao Meng-fu, Hsien-y?Shu (鮮于樞), Hs?h-an etc. were printed by the government and in these Wang"s and Zhao"s were many. However, calligraphy style of Ming period must be accepted in a certain extant, but not be popularized except Zhang P"i"s. Futhermore the first official record on introduction of Wen Zheng-ming (文徵明)"s calligraphy was very late in 1600. But as the pseudo-classical (擬古的) trend of literary thought was introduced in the second half of 16th century, calligraphy theory of Ming period must be introduced too. A popular calligrapher as Han Ho (韓濩) was concerned about epitaph & calligraphy postscripts by Wang Shih-chen (王世貞), who was a powerful leader of Ming literary world. Finally, in comments on Korean excellent calligraphers, many Chosun commentator succeeded the tradition of later Koryeo period, in which they commented on Kim Saeng (金生), Yeong Eup (靈業), Yo Geuk-il (姚克一) of Unified Silla Kingdom and Tan Yeon (坦然), Yi Am (李嵒) of Koryeo Dynasty. It is very special that Yi Am was highly praised by many c

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    NDSL에서는 해당 원문을 복사서비스하고 있습니다. 아래의 원문복사신청 또는 장바구니담기를 통하여 원문복사서비스 이용이 가능합니다.

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